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winilyn joei sancho - My Blog
emo
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how do you think can these "EMOs" help our depressing world???
emo
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comment pensez-vous pouvez-vous ces aide de « EMOs » notre monde baissant ? ? ?
emo
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¿cómo usted piensa puede este ayuda de “EMOs” nuestro mundo que presiona???
emo
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come pensate potete questo aiuto “di EMOs„ il nostro mondo deprimente???
emo
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wie denken Sie können dieses „EMOs“ Hilfe unsere deprimierende Welt???
emo
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como você pensa pode este ajuda de “EMOs” nosso mundo comprimindo???
emo
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hur can du funderare dessa ”EMOs” hjälp vår deprimerande värld???
emo
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как вы думаете можете эт помощь «EMOs» наш отжимая мир???
emo
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hoe denkt u kunt deze hulp „EMOs“ onze het indrukken wereld???
[إمو]
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كيف أنت تفكّر يستطيع هذا "[إموس]" مساعدتنا يخفّض عالم???
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| August 22, 2009 | 6:29 AM |
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on globalization
Related to country: United States
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Stilglitz, Joseph. Social Justice and Global Trade. FarEastern Economic Review: Review Publishing Company Limited. March 2006, Volume 169. Number 2.
A Review on Social Justice and Global Trade
“Trade can make everyone better-off”. This is the second principle of economics that embody and used as the spell by free trade advocates (FTAs) to shove the concept of trade liberalism. Free market, free trade, trade liberalism, and globalization, these are synonymous terms used to denote an unrestricted international trade. It discourages government intervention in the market and promotes internationalism among nations. This is the contemporary market system offered by few influential nations for the rest of the world. The promotion of growth and development for every country who will engage in it is the slogan of FTAs.
The article presented the pros and cons of global trade and its implications to humanity. It also presented concepts regarding justice and equity in relation to changes in the economy brought about by trade liberalism. It questioned the purpose of pacts and international agreements in terms of proper representation and consideration regarding trade decision making. Hence, the author advocated an institutional change.
Basically, the article seeks the attention of legislators and negotiators allover the world to look back on the main reason why they are in the position - that is to represent, serve, and promote welfare among the people, more so, in their respective nation. The author would also like to wake up the public from the reverie of wellness which free trade promises to each and every nation which engages in it. Thus, he encourages the people to be aware, be critical, and be vigilant to policies that can affect the society. Nevertheless, the reader must have a background in the basic principles of economics, about the concept of free trade, and regards the people as social being which comprises a nation and thus can be affected by every policy implemented.
The article presented issues which involve the different advocacies of economic liberalism. This includes trade liberalism, deregulation, and the protection of intellectual property. A number of situations where trade had an impact in the economy and social condition of a certain nation were also included. Theories and common beliefs regarding free trade were identified. Although social facts, such as the difference in the tariff level among countries were presented, no concrete and precise empirical evidence was incorporated in the article. He opened up how some advanced industrialized countries give effort to endorse and rationalize situations to push for globalization. The author, Joseph Stiglitz, also iterated effects of free trade to developing and developed nations and how these nations react towards the system.
People face tradeoffs (Mankiw, 2004). This explains why in global trading some will lose and some). Global trading will not be possible without trade negotiations and agreements between will gain (Krugman, 2000each nation who will engage in it. Recently, these trade summits are the primary reason for the dissatisfaction of different parties involved. Allegations that rich nations become richer while poor nations degrade are supported by the fact that even with the agreement that tariff levels must be lowered down in accordance to the principle of free trade; there is unequal imposition of tariff levels (Nyilas, 1976). Developed countries’ tariff level is four times higher than the developing nations. Developing countries were also forced to eliminate subsidies in contrast to developed countries’ implemented policies to support production sector primarily the agriculture. Provided by the example of Mexico’s condition under Northern America Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) where the largest market of the world was opened up for them, their growth would have been faster but the other way happened. Globalization affects each nation differently. Only countries with high to full level of employment and a mature economy can benefit from the system. Given that, at present, trading system is biased towards developed countries. It was found out that those countries that did not pursue globalization policies were recorded with the fastest growth level. Examples of these were the countries in East Asia (Stiglitz, 2006). The negotiation regarding the intellectual property right was also tackled. As the author emphasized, underneath the façade of principles of trade liberalism is the simple politics of self interest. Developed countries wants to open up the world economy to freely have a wider market for exports (Stiglitz, 2006).
Thus there is a need to change the current trading system policies. There is a call to reverse its skewness in favor of the developing nations. Should there be a change in the current approach on trade negotiations can alleviate more the situation. Proper representations for every party involved can better present their positions, sentiments, and recommendations with regards to trading propositions (Stiglitz, 2006). With proper representation and consultation, the body can come up with a more appropriate decision in the system of trading embodied by the concept of development. The problem of representation was identified because politicians’ decisions were palliative with regards to trading. They are usually influenced by special interest groups from which they also came from (Nyilas, 1976). Therefore there is a need to improve the quality, transparency, and real democracy in the domestic political arena. Nonetheless, structural reforms will never be authenticated unless there is a change in the ideological aspect of the people involved. Unless the mindset will think for social welfare and development, each and every decision they come up will only be biased on their line of interest. There is a call to reform the World Trade Organization, its policies, and its regulations. Although this will not guarantee a perfect change for the benefit of the aggrieved party but this can be a weight to create balance among nations in terms of trade.
In line with the identified predicaments above, the article pose a challenge to create change in the system. There is an imperative call for the society to protect their rights against opportunistic aims.
Amidst economic rationalization, the most dominant rationale for pushing free trade is politics. An example of this is the concept that behind the rules and policies implemented by the World Trade Organization (WTO) and other trading agreements are the imperialists’ agenda to gain in the expense of less developed societies, taking advantage their vulnerabilities as well as their resources (Galbraith, 1975). This exposé must be considered by policy makers. They have to be skeptical to every agreement they engage in because in their hands lie the stipulation of their country. An example presented by the author is the proposition of free trade advocate countries to lower tariffs on all products down to zero (Caves & Jones, 1985). It is ironic though, because these developed countries do no such things. This policy can greatly affect a developing country’s economy. Transitive to the move to lower tariffs is to cut government subsidies especially to agricultural sector because this will change the market-set prices and this is against the law of free market. This is another proposal of FTA which they themselves ignored. Subsidies to farmers make higher production and lower market price possible. Thus for these countries, given a higher productivity, it is easy to export especially for a lower tariff. In this case, countries who obeyed the policy of no-tariff, no-subsidy loses from trade (Gomez, et. al., 2000).
The existence of differences in tariffs among countries despite international agreements to level it might be a good issue to find out. Along with this, the author’s simple presentation of how developing countries’ export market was hindered to grow by industrialized countries’ products especially with their subsidized production sector such as agriculture can be a good argument for researchers who are less in favor for free trade and a challenging topic to rebut for FTAs.
Stiglitz also exposed some anomalies implicated in policy formulation and decision making in the international level. When he pointed out that influential, developed countries such as the United States, Japan, Canada, and EU are taking the responsibility to conduct surveys, studies, and other activities to prove the advantages brought about by free trade in to different countries and doing a massive international campaign pushing for principle-based trade liberalism in contrast to the policies they are implementing in their own countries, he showed that these countries hide under their benevolent mask of being a poverty alleviator while surreptitiously taking advantage of these less developed and developing countries to earn profit, and power. Being an economist, it will take a lot of courage and critical thinking for the author to deviate from the mainstream idea of free trade promotion. Consequently, this article will promote further investigation and critique regarding the effects of trade liberalism across countries.
There are different economic models, especially in line with development and international economics which tries to explain the relationship of trade to growth but each of those gave a situation which other things were held constant, thus making the model less applicable in the real life. A further study in this topic is suggested to help elucidate issues in the area.
Policy-makers must also consider the status of their country before concurring in a decree. Trade liberalism, according to the author, can benefit a nation with regards to its current status. A mature economy benefits more while a developing economy cannot compete well, hence becomes poorer. This can be a good departure point for researchers to find the relationship between the per capita standing of each country to the effects of globalization to income distribution. In considering the human development index, in terms of political-economy paradigm, the topic regarding trade and development will be a broad field for study.
By suggesting for the solution to change the mindset of the people the author got the most probable radical answer. This is what the society must undergo in order to think out of the box and realize the importance of patriotism and social consciousness. This is a recommendation for each and every citizen more specifically to policy-makers.
There are different classifications for countries. In this review countries will be classified as developed, developing, and least developed. These categorizations are based on different characteristics of a country such as per capita income and human development index. In the orthodox paradigm, growth of a country will only be based in the increase of per capita income. In this review, the political economy paradigm will be used to define growth in a country, which is with the income level; growth will also be based on human condition and satisfaction. The status of each country will be the basis on how it will be affected by globalization. As said earlier, free trade makes a rich country better off in the expense of underdeveloped nations. This account may be viewed in different perspectives of import and export as well as in its effect in employment and industry. Countries with full employment or close to full employment level and a mature economy are considered as the developed countries; in contrast are the developing and least developed countries (Gomez, et. al. 2000).
Core-Periphery Theory (CPT)
This theory is also known as the Neocolonial Dependence Model which streamed out from the Marxist ideology. This shows the relationship of a center/more powerful nation to its colonies/weaker nations. The core intentionally or unconsciously dominates, oppresses, and exhausts the resources of the less powerful country. Sometimes if the core’s intention is to aid the colony, it ends up spoiling the country to the point that the country could no longer stand without the assistance of the core. Who maintain this kind of relationship are those people who gain, enjoy from their income, social status, and political power from the system. Only through a revolution or through major restructuring of the capitalist system can free the colonies from the core’s oppression (Todaro, 1997). The CPT can be associated directly to the present existing system as portrayed by the relationship of the Northern Hemisphere nations, as the “core”, to mostly African and Asian countries as their extension market/colonies/satellite/periphery countries. In the name of free market, these powerful nations push for tariff-free markets as well as no-to subsidy policy so they can have a market for their surplus products and earn more profit. In a tariff-free economy, the “periphery” can freely export some of their agricultural/raw products which are the main source of cheap raw materials for the industrialized and manufacturing economy of the “core” (Galbraith, 1975). How ironic it may seem but the “core” in reality does not follow the policy to abandon subsidy especially to its farmers (Stiglitz, 2006). Thus the core can produce more at a cheaper price. With higher productivity, the core can now export products (agricultural products) which are essential to developing countries’ export market such as corn, rice, etc. Since the core can now export these goods, it follows that they no longer need to import such. There will now be a smaller or worse no market for the periphery. Since the government no longer subsidize, let say the rice sector, a higher cost for production of this product is incurred. The more expensive locally produced rice can no longer compete with the cheaper imported rice. This condition will discourage local farmers to produce the good. This is the beginning of the periphery’s dependence to the core for rice production. In the other hand, in search for higher profit, the core may choose to outsource some of its companies to the periphery because of cheap labor (Thompson, 1993). This is the case of the present call center companies or the Business Processing Outsourcing (BPO). Of course this can provide jobs, contractual jobs, among the satellite’s citizens. In other sense, these citizens were forced to deviate from their usual time schedule to adjust on the nature of their customers. Although this kind of job can provide a good source of income for the citizens, in terms of the welfare of the employees, this can be degrading. This can damage the health of the worker, disturb their regular time schedule, stagnate their learning and application of their undergraduate degree or even their profession (in the case of some teachers who became a call center agent). This can also affect family relationship. Given this example, it can support the idea that free trade can hurt less mature economies. In contrast to CPT, the current globalization scheme enunciates or outrightly uses the “core’s” power to force satellite countries to accept and implement free trade policies through different institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank (WB), WTO, and other agreements and rounds which tackles international trade issues.
Neoclassical Counter Revolution
This is the ideology that embodies the concept of Trade Liberalism – the contemporary system promoted by developed countries. This theory has three approaches: free-market, public- choice, and the market-friendly. The free-market upholds the idea that market alone is efficient thus no government intervention in the market is promoted. Neoclassicists uphold their advocacies through obtaining control over the world’s major institutions such as the World Bank (WB), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and in the United Nation Development Program (UNDP). The above mentioned countries plus other influential countries – members of the Group of 8 (G8), greatly dominates the world trading system. They lead the formulation of international trade agreements as well as presenting rules and policies for referendum for countries. These trade agreements and the hocus-focus underlying in the pacts is the main issue of this article. According to Stiglitz trade agreements are dominated, manipulated and biased to the interest of developed countries, worst, for few interest groups alone.
Specific Factors Model (SFM)
This model presents how differences in countries’ resources can cause international trade. Income distribution is strongly affected by international trade as shown by this model. Thus this model can help explain why countries need to negotiate and that is because no single territory contains all the resources needed for diversified production. SFM suggest that factors specific to exports gain from trade while import-competing sectors lose (Krugman, 2000). On the other hand, labor sector may either gain or lose. This model can visibly position the context in the article. Since, most economist believe that trade can benefit more than without it, conceptually, those who benefit can compensate those who lose. But this is not the real case. That is the reason behind the discontent of the losers. Social inequality arise when some people or country gain in the expense of others up to the point of exploitation and deception.
Under trade liberalism, gains from trade can only be achieved by developed nation or those countries with mature economy (Thompson, 1993). The definition of what a mature economy can be based on Rostow’s stages of economic growth. On one hand, when a country is developing it can be classified under the second stage which is the precondition for take-off. It is where improvement in transportation, agriculture, and expansion of imports occur. Thus, the economy is not yet ripe. On the other hand, when the economy is mature it can be considered under the last stage of the model which is the age of mass consumption where the society can choose to become a welfare state or an international military power. It is characterized by a strong, competitive economy, usually under full employment level (Todaro, 1997). In this situation, an economy with full employment level will not be much affected by trade liberalization. The laborers in sector which is affected by strong importation can easily find job and transfer to other sectors which gain more in trade. Unlike in developing nations, laborers which are affected by trade are threatened to lose their job, thus adding to the unemployment rate in the country (Krugman, 2000). High unemployment rate means higher poverty index.
Global trade can cause an unbalanced growth in the economy of the country which engages in it. When a country will specialize in a field where it has a comparative advantage for trade, it would likely lead to a focused development in that specific area which can leave behind other uncompetitive sectors (Krugman, 2000).
The author’s suggestion to reform the mindset of the people as an important part to change the system is supported by Simon Kuznetz’s six features of modern economic growth. In the part of the developing country, they have to change the way they decide towards a policy to, this time, consider it and improve it to be biased on the developing country. If advanced countries really have the will to help the developing country to pursue for development and industrialization, there must be a sacrifice on their part.
The article is short yet it opened up a number of issues and a wide field for discussion. The author has a broad overview regarding the concept of free trade. He critically applied the principles of equitable and efficient global resource allocation among societies. This means that being an economist, he does not only conform to the conventional belief of economics that liberalized trade can benefit more to people. He does not consider efficiency only for capital and land owners but to everyone who is and can be affected by policies implemented. Economics, being a discipline under social science, must consider the welfare of the society (Gomez, et. al., 2000). And that consideration is prioritized by the author in the article. He also embarked upon the different subdivision of the subject. He regarded the international interaction of countries as well as the governing politics in each negotiation. He included his observation on how decisions were made and he discussed about the discrepancies in the institution which facilitates the global interaction of trade.
The article presented issues from a general perspective of development inequality brought about by trade liberalization down to the politics involved in intellectual property rights discussion. The flow of the article leads the reader to see trade liberalism as a deep issue which is not only limited to import and export exchange among countries.
The author was audacious to present ideas usually considered as an open secret- an obvious fact but is constantly denied or kept unnoticed. He identified reasons how and why trade liberalism creates inequality to nations. When the author said that there is something wrong with the world trading system he subsequently offered facts and theories to prove his stand. It is quite good that he gave pragmatic examples but he fall short to show precise data to further defend his allegations and arguments. For instance, he said that trade negotiations left poor countries worse off when they were forced to cut subsidies and bring down tariff level by the advanced industrialized countries. It would be better if he showed an excerpt from the round of trade negotiation which defined the policy and the agreement among the countries. Better if he showed cardinal values which will illustrate the level of tariff in each country. It will help the reader formulate and reason out why or what are other reasons behind the unequal imposition of tariff levels.
There was a shortcoming in the part of the author to give a clear and concise definition of the terms used such as free trade. The author failed to give theories and arguments which define the concept of free trade. It would be better if he presented first the concept of free trade – its pros and cons before bombarding his arguments. If the reader can clearly grasp the author’s perception of free trade it would then be smooth to judge the point of view presented.
There have been no characterizations of what the picture of a developed or a developing country is. Given that the author mentioned that globalization affect each countries based on their nature, he refused to associate the nature of a country on how it can decide to a policy. Yes he mentioned about the abuse of power but not on how these power are asserted to control the votes of each representative systematically; that is aside from his given point of political and self interests.
The kind of development paradigm as the basis for growth measurement was not clearly identified. It is important to be defined especially when talking about growth or failure as a result of globalization. Failure to do so can cause doubt on the conclusion of the article.
It was good when the author suggested the need to change the mindset of negotiators in the way that trading decisions are made as well as encourage each country to promote efficiency, fairness, and development but he should have reflected twice. As Adam Smith recognized the concept of self-interest or utility, it is inevitable to consider that each country will view fairness, efficiency, and development in their own perspective (Pen, 1967). Thus, the change in mindset will follow after the change in system because the way of thinking is developed by the system. Thus the author must suggest alternatives on how the ideology towards global equity will be developed.
The article appeared to be comprehensive for economics majors but no so for other social science apprentice whose background in trade liberalism is a nuance.
According to Newton, in every action there is a reaction. That is the reason why controversies and issues pop out. It is certain that different social science disciplines are interdependent in terms of decision making. In the article, the author pointed out the need to reform institutionally and ideologically based on the concept of democracy and transparency. Nevertheless, he lacked in clarifying how can the change be possible, where to begin, and failed to paint a concise picture on how this reform can be achieved.
The author provided a good flow of how social justice can be asserted amidst global trading system. It is good when he emphasized that institutional change would not be possible unless there is ideological change. This can be better if he presented ways on how can this change be realized. To challenge the system will require a lot of effort and perseverance.
The issues regarding the intellectual property rights open a wide horizon for research with regard to its context and further implication in the society. What was raised in the article was the way which the right to intellectual property can pave for monopoly. The author is implying that global trade is controlled not only by advanced nations, more so by few international business elites. This shows how politics can gravely affect international relations.
If a further study will be conducted regarding the advocacies of trade, it can contribute to the analysis on the social implication of global trade. Hence, allegations on free trade as a form of global exploitation for the benefit of the few can be further restructured.
In the case of these gigantic multinational corporations, in their game in the global trade, it was emphasized that they want to gain the highest profit with less cost. Yet they had too much of it when we refer to it financially (Pen. 1967). Is it really all about profit? Can the concept of gigantism be applied in the situation? This concept of gigantism refers to the goal of corporations to expand and earn global control and power. This concept does not consider profit as the main objective for expansion but expansion itself (Pen, 1967).
The article left inquiries which can be a good parting point for research. Some of these are: Does the advanced industrialized country really aim to advance global social welfare through the promotion of free trade or is it still part of their agenda to gain power over humanity? Does trade liberalism imply the existence of neo-imperialism? It was also suggested by the author that there must be changes in the mindset in order to create change in the society but how can be the biased mindset alter the system if it is rooted from the concept of liberalism? In addition, there is a need to define what is a just and efficient trading in relation to the community it affects.
Despite of the international promotion for free trade, issues such as social justice and equity cannot be ignored. As economics majors always say, there is always a tradeoff between efficiency and equity. But what is really the measurement for efficiency and what is for equity? How important is the society in terms of growth and development? These questions may seem to have an obvious answer long time before, yet until the present its application to society seems bleak.
Bibliography
Caves, R., & Jones, R. (1985). World Trade and Payments: An Introduction. Toronto: Little, Brown and Company.
Galbraith, J.K. (1975). Economics and the Public Purpose. United States of America: Houghton Mifflin Company.
Gomez, D., et. al. (2000). Reforming Social Policy: Changing Perspectives on Sustainable Human Development. Canada: International Development Research Centre.
Krugman, P. & Obstfeld, M. (2000). International Economics (5th edition). United States of America: Addison-Wesley Reading.
Mankiw, N.G. (2004). Principles of Economics (3rd edition). United States of America: Thomson Learning.
Nyilas, J. (1976). Integration in the World Economy East-West and Inter-State Relations. Hungary: Akademia Kiado.
Pen, J. (1967). A Primer on International Trade. New York: Random House.
Thompson, H. (1993). International Economics: A Microeconomic Approach. Toronto: Longman Publishing Group.
Todaro, M. (1997). Economic Development. United States of America: Addison-Wesley Reading.
2006-69621
sur la globalisation
Automatically translated into French thanks to WorldLingo
Stilglitz, Joseph. Justice sociale et commerce global. Revue économique d'Extrême-Orient : Review Publishing Company limitée. Mars 2006, volume 169. Numéro 2.
Une revue sur la justice sociale et le commerce global
le « commerce peut rendre chacun meilleur-au loin ». C'est le deuxième principe des sciences économiques qui incarnent et a employé car le charme par libre échange préconise (les FTA) pour pousser le concept du libéralisme commercial. Le marché libre, le libre échange, le libéralisme commercial, et la globalisation, ceux-ci sont des termes synonymes employés pour dénoter un commerce international sans restriction. Il décourage l'intervention de gouvernement sur le marché et favorise l'internationalisme parmi des nations. C'est le système contemporain du marché offert par peu de nations influentes pour le reste du monde. La promotion de la croissance et du développement pour chaque pays qui s'engagera dans elle est le slogan des FTA.
L'article a présenté le pour et le contre de commercial global et de ses implications à l'humanité. Il a également présenté des concepts concernant la justice et les capitaux propres par rapport aux changements de l'économie ont provoqué par le libéralisme commercial. Il a remis en cause le but des pactes et des accords internationaux en termes de représentation appropriée et la considération concernant la prise de décision commerciale. Par conséquent, l'auteur a préconisé un changement institutionnel.
Fondamentalement, l'article cherche l'attention de l'allover de législateurs et de négociateurs le monde pour regarder en arrière sur la raison principale pourquoi ils sont en position qu'est représenter, servir, et favoriser le bien-être parmi les personnes, plus ainsi, dans leur nation respective. L'auteur voudrait également réveiller le public de la rêverie de la santé que le libre échange promet à chaque nation à ce qui s'engage dans lui. Ainsi, il encourage les personnes à se rendre compte, soit critique, et soit vigilant aux politiques qui peuvent affecter la société. Néanmoins, le lecteur doit avoir un fond dans les principes de base des sciences économiques, au sujet du concept du libre échange, et considère le peuple pendant qu'être social qui comporte une nation et peut être affecté ainsi par chaque politique mise en application.
L'article a présenté les questions qui impliquent les différents advocacies du libéralisme économique. Ceci inclut le libéralisme commercial, la déréglementation, et la protection de la propriété intellectuelle. Un certain nombre de situations où le commerce a eu un impact dans l'économie et l'état social d'une certaine nation ont été également incluses. Des théories et la croyance commune concernant le libre échange ont été identifiées. Bien que des faits sociaux, tels que la différence au niveau de tarif parmi des pays aient été présentés, aucune évidence empirique concrète et précise n'a été incorporée dans l'article. Il s'est ouvert comment certains ont avancé les pays industrialisés donnent l'effort d'approuver et rationaliser des situations pour pousser pour la globalisation. L'auteur, le Joseph Stiglitz, les effets également réitérés du libre échange à se développer et les nations développées et comment ces nations réagissent vers le système.
Différences de visage de personnes (Mankiw, 2004). Ceci explique pourquoi dans global en le commerce perdra et certains). Le commerce global ne sera pas possible sans négociations commerciales et les accords entre gagneront (Krugman, nation 2000each qui s'engagera dans lui. Récemment, ces sommets commerciaux sont la raison primaire du mécontentement de différentes parties concernées. Des allégations que les nations riches deviennent plus riches tandis que les nations pauvres dégradent sont soutenues par le fait que même avec l'accord que le tarif nivelle doit être abaissé vers le bas dans l'accord au principe du libre échange ; il y a imposition inégale des niveaux de tarif (Nyilas, 1976). Niveau de tarif de pays développés le' est quatre fois plus haut que les pays en voie de développement. Des pays en voie de développement ont été également forcés pour éliminer des subventions des politiques mises en application contrairement à pays développés' pour soutenir le secteur de production principalement l'agriculture. Fourni par l'exemple de l'état du Mexique aux termes de l'accord de libre-échange nordique de l'Amérique (NAFTA) où le plus grand marché du monde a été ouvert pour eux, leur croissance aurait été plus rapide mais l'autre manière s'est produite. La globalisation affecte chaque nation différemment. Seulement les pays avec la haute au plein niveau de l'emploi et d'une économie développée peuvent tirer bénéfice du système. Est donné à cela, actuellement, le système marchand décentré vers les pays développés. On l'a découvert que ces pays qui n'ont pas poursuivi des politiques de globalisation ont été enregistrés avec le niveau de croissance le plus rapide. Les exemples de ces derniers étaient les pays en Asie de l'Est (Stiglitz, 2006). La négociation concernant la droite de propriété intellectuelle a été également abordée. Comme l'auteur a souligné, sous le façade des principes du libéralisme commercial est la politique simple de l'intérêt personnel. Les pays développés veut ouvrir l'économie mondiale pour avoir librement un marché plus large pour des exportations (Stiglitz, 2006).
Ainsi il y a un besoin de changer les politiques marchandes courantes de système. Il y a un appel pour renverser son obliquité en faveur des pays en voie de développement. Si il y a un changement de l'approche courante sur les négociations commerciales peut alléger plus la situation. Les représentations appropriées pour chaque partie concernée peuvent améliorer le présent leurs positions, sentiments, et recommandations quant aux propositions marchandes (Stiglitz, 2006). Avec la représentation et la consultation appropriées, le corps peut être soulevé avec une décision plus appropriée dans le régime des échanges incorporé par le concept du développement. Le problème de la représentation a été identifié parce que décisions de politiciens les' étaient palliatives quant au commerce. Ils sont habituellement influencés par les groupes d'intérêt des desquels ils sont également venus (Nyilas, 1976). Par conséquent il y a un besoin d'améliorer la qualité, le transparent, et la vraie démocratie dans l'arène politique domestique. Néanmoins, des réformes structurales ne seront jamais authentifiées à moins qu'il y ait un changement de l'aspect idéologique des personnes impliquées. À moins que la mentalité pense pour le bien-être social et le développement, chaque décision qu'ils montent sera seulement décentrée sur leur ligne d'intérêt. Il y a un appel pour reformer l'organisation de commerce mondial, ses politiques, et ses règlements. Bien que ceci ne garantisse pas un changement parfait au profit de la partie chagrinée mais ceci peut être un poids pour créer l'équilibre parmi des nations en termes de commerce.
En conformité avec les situations fâcheuses identifiées ci-dessus, la pose d'article un défi pour créer le changement du système. Il y a un appel impératif pour que la société protège leurs droites contre des objectifs opportunistes.
Parmi la rationalisation économique, le raisonnement le plus dominant pour pousser le libre échange est la politique. Un exemple de ceci est le concept qui derrière les règles et les politiques mises en application par l'organisation de commerce mondial (OMC) et d'autres accords commerciaux sont ordre du jour des impérialistes' à gagner dans les dépenses des sociétés moins développées, profitant leurs vulnérabilités aussi bien que leurs ressources (Galbraith, 1975). Cet exposé doit être considéré par des personnes définissant la politique. Ils doivent être sceptiques à chaque accord qu'ils s'engagent dedans parce que dans leur mensonge de mains la condition de leur pays. Un exemple présenté par l'auteur est la proposition des pays d'avocat de libre échange pour abaisser des tarifs sur tous les produits vers le bas à zéro (Caves et Jones, 1985). Il est ironique cependant, parce que ces pays développés ne font aucune telle chose. Cette politique peut considérablement affecter une économie du pays en voie de développement. Transitif au mouvement d'abaisser des tarifs est de couper des subventions de gouvernement particulièrement au secteur agricole parce que ceci changera marché-a placé des prix et c'est contre la loi du marché libre. C'est une autre proposition de FTA qu'ils ont ignorée eux-mêmes. Les subventions aux fermiers rendent une production plus élevée et un prix du marché inférieur possibles. Ainsi pour ces pays, donné une productivité plus élevée, il est facile d'exporter particulièrement pour un tarif inférieur. Dans ce cas-ci, les pays qui ont obéi la politique du l'aucun-tarif, aucun-subvention perd du commerce (Gomez, et. Al, 2000).
L'existence des différences dans les tarifs parmi des pays en dépit des accords internationaux de le niveler pourrait être une bonne question à découvrent. Avec ceci, la présentation simple de l'auteur de la façon dont des produits par pays industrialisés de pays en voie de développement le' marché d'exportation a été gêné pour se développer' particulièrement avec leur secteur subventionné de production tel que l'agriculture peut être un bon argument pour les chercheurs qui sont moins en faveur pour que le libre échange et une matière provocante réfute pour des FTA.
Stiglitz a également exposé quelques anomalies impliquées dans la formulation et la prise de décision de politique au niveau international. Quand il a précisé que les pays influents et développés tels que les Etats-Unis, le Japon, le Canada, et l'UE prennent la responsabilité de conduire des aperçus, des études, et d'autres activités pour prouver les avantages provoqués par libre échange dedans à différents pays et font une campagne internationale massive poussant pour le libéralisme commercial principe-basé contrairement aux politiques ils mettent en application dans leurs propres pays, il a prouvé que ces pays se cachent sous leur masque bienveillant d'être un alleviator de pauvreté tout en surreptitiously tirant profit de ces pays moins développés et en voie de développement pour gagner le bénéfice, et puissance. Étant un économiste, il prendra beaucoup de courage et de pensée critique pour que l'auteur dévie de l'idée traditionnelle de la promotion de libre échange. En conséquence, cet article favorisera davantage de recherche et de critique concernant les effets du libéralisme commercial à travers des pays.
Il y a différents modèles, particulièrement en conformité avec le développement et les sciences économiques internationales que les essais pour expliquer le rapport du commerce à la croissance mais chacun de ceux ont donnés à une situation que d'autres choses étaient constante tenue, de ce fait rendant le modèle moins applicable dans le réel. Une autre étude dans cette matière est suggérée pour aider à élucider des questions dans le secteur.
Les personnes définissant la politique doivent également considérer le statut de leur pays avant la coïncidence dans un décret. Le libéralisme commercial, selon l'auteur, peut bénéficier une nation quant à son état actuel. Une économie développée bénéficie plus alors qu'une économie se développante ne peut pas concurrencer bien, par conséquent devient plus pauvre. Ceci peut être un bon point de départ pour que les chercheurs trouvent le rapport entre par habitant se tenir de chaque pays avec les effets de la globalisation avec la répartition du revenu des revenus. En considérant l'index humain de développement, en termes de paradigme de politique-économie, la matière concernant le commerce et le développement seront un large champ pour l'étude.
Par la suggestion pour que la solution change la mentalité du peuple l'auteur a obtenu la plus probable réponse radicale. Est ce ce que la société doit subir afin de penser hors de la boîte et se rendre compte de l'importance du patriotisme et de la conscience sociale. C'est une recommandation pour chaque citoyen plus spécifiquement aux personnes définissant la politique.
Il y a différentes classifications pour des pays. Dans cette revue des pays seront classifiés comme développé, se développant, et moins développé. Ces catégorisations sont basées sur différentes caractéristiques d'un pays telles que par habitant le revenu et l'index humain de développement. Dans le paradigme orthodoxe, la croissance d'un pays seulement sera basée dans l'augmentation par habitant du revenu. Dans cette revue, le paradigme politique d'économie sera employé pour définir la croissance d'un pays, qui est avec le niveau de revenu ; la croissance sera également basée sur l'état et la satisfaction humains. Le statut de chaque pays sera la base sur la façon dont il sera affecté par globalisation. En tant que libre échange plus tôt et rend un pays riche meilleur au loin dans les dépenses des nations sous-développées. Ce compte peut être regardé dans différentes perspectives d'importation et d'exportation comme dans son effet en emploi et industrie. Des pays avec le plein emploi ou près du niveau de plein emploi et d'une économie développée sont considérés comme pays développés ; sont en revanche se développer et les pays moins développés (Gomez, et. Al 2000).
La théorie de Noyau-Périphérie (CPT)
cette théorie est également connue comme modèle néo-colonial de la dépendance qui a coulé dehors de l'idéologie marxiste. Ceci montre la relation d'un centre/d'une nation plus puissante à ses colonies/nations plus faibles. Le noyau intentionnellement ou unconsciously domine, opprime, et épuise les ressources du pays moins puissant. Parfois si l'intention du noyau est d'aider la colonie, il finit vers le haut d'abîmer le pays au point qui le pays pourrait plus ne se tenir sans aide du noyau. Qui maintiennent ce genre de rapport sont ces gens qui gagnent, apprécient de leur revenu, statut social, et puissance politique du système. Seulement par une révolution ou par la restructuration principale du système de capitaliste peut libérer les colonies de l'oppression du noyau (Todaro, 1997). Le CPT peut être associé directement au système existant actuel comme dépeint par la relation des nations nordiques d'hémisphère, comme « noyau », aux pays la plupart du temps africains et asiatiques en tant que leur marché de prolongation/colonies/pays de satellite/périphérie. Au nom du marché libre, ces nations puissantes poussent pour les marchés exonérés aussi bien qu'aucun-à la politique de subvention ainsi elles peuvent avoir un marché pour leurs produits en surplus et gagner plus de bénéfice. Dans une économie exonérée, la « périphérie » peut librement exporter certains de leurs agricoles/produits bruts qui sont la source principale des matières premières bon marché pour l'économie industrialisée et de fabrication du « noyau » (Galbraith, 1975). Comment ironique il peut sembler mais le « noyau » en réalité ne suit pas la politique pour abandonner la subvention particulièrement à ses fermiers (Stiglitz, 2006). Ainsi le noyau peut produire plus à un prix meilleur marché. Avec une productivité plus élevée, le noyau peut maintenant exporter les produits (produits agricoles) qui sont essentiels marché d'exportation à pays en voie de développement' tel que le maïs, le riz, etc. Puisque le noyau peut maintenant exporter ces marchandises, il suit qu'elles ne doivent plus importer tels. Il y aura maintenant un plus petit ou plus mauvais aucun débouché pour la périphérie. Puisque le gouvernement ne subventionnent plus, laissez la parole le secteur du riz, un coût plus élevé pour la production de ce produit est encouru. Le riz localement produit plus cher peut plus ne concurrencer du riz importé meilleur marché. Cette condition découragera les fermiers locaux pour produire le bon. C'est le commencement de la dépendance de la périphérie au noyau pour la production de riz. Dans l'autre main, dans la recherche d'un bénéfice plus élevé, le noyau peut choisir d'externaliser certaines de ses compagnies à la périphérie en raison de la main d'oeuvre à prix réduit (Thompson, 1993). C'est le cas des compagnies actuelles de centre d'appel ou de la compilation externalisant (BPO). Naturellement ceci peut fournir les travaux, les travaux contractuels, parmi les citoyens du satellite. Dans l'autre sens, ces citoyens ont été forcés de dévier de leur calendrier habituel pour s'ajuster sur la nature de leurs clients. Bien que ce genre de travail puisse fournir une bonne source du revenu pour les citoyens, en termes de bien-être des employés, de ceci peut dégrader. Ceci peut endommager la santé de l'ouvrier, dérange leur calendrier régulier, stagne leur étude et application de leur degré d'étudiant préparant une licence ou même de leur profession (dans le cas de quelques professeurs qui sont devenue un agent de centre d'appel). Ceci peut également affecter le rapport de famille. Donné cet exemple, il peut soutenir l'idée que le libre échange peut blesser des économies développées moins. Contrairement à CPT, l'arrangement courant de globalisation déclare ou emploie outrightly la puissance du « noyau » de forcer les pays satellites pour accepter et mettre en application des politiques de libre échange par différents établissements tels que le Fonds monétaire international (FMI), la banque mondiale (WB), l'OMC, et d'autres accords et ronds qui aborde des questions de commerce international.
Contre- révolution néoclassique
C'est l'idéologie qui incarne le concept du libéralisme commercial - le système contemporain favorisé par les pays développés. Cette théorie a trois approches : marché libre, choix public, et le marché-amical. Le marché libre confirme l'idée que seul le marché est efficace aucune intervention de gouvernement sur le marché est favorisé ainsi. Neoclassicists uphold their advocacies through obtaining control over the world’s major institutions such as the World Bank (WB), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and in the United Nation Development Program (UNDP). The above mentioned countries plus other influential countries – members of the Group of 8 (G8), greatly dominates the world trading system. They lead the formulation of international trade agreements as well as presenting rules and policies for referendum for countries. These trade agreements and the hocus-focus underlying in the pacts is the main issue of this article. According to Stiglitz trade agreements are dominated, manipulated and biased to the interest of developed countries, worst, for few interest groups alone.
Specific Factors Model (SFM)
This model presents how differences in countries’ resources can cause international trade. Income distribution is strongly affected by international trade as shown by this model. Thus this model can help explain why countries need to negotiate and that is because no single territory contains all the resources needed for diversified production. SFM suggest that factors specific to exports gain from trade while import-competing sectors lose (Krugman, 2000). On the other hand, labor sector may either gain or lose. This model can visibly position the context in the article. Since, most economist believe that trade can benefit more than without it, conceptually, those who benefit can compensate those who lose. But this is not the real case. That is the reason behind the discontent of the losers. Social inequality arise when some people or country gain in the expense of others up to the point of exploitation and deception.
Under trade liberalism, gains from trade can only be achieved by developed nation or those countries with mature economy (Thompson, 1993). The definition of what a mature economy can be based on Rostow’s stages of economic growth. On one hand, when a country is developing it can be classified under the second stage which is the precondition for take-off. It is where improvement in transportation, agriculture, and expansion of imports occur. Thus, the economy is not yet ripe. On the other hand, when the economy is mature it can be considered under the last stage of the model which is the age of mass consumption where the society can choose to become a welfare state or an international military power. It is characterized by a strong, competitive economy, usually under full employment level (Todaro, 1997). In this situation, an economy with full employment level will not be much affected by trade liberalization. The laborers in sector which is affected by strong importation can easily find job and transfer to other sectors which gain more in trade. Unlike in developing nations, laborers which are affected by trade are threatened to lose their job, thus adding to the unemployment rate in the country (Krugman, 2000). High unemployment rate means higher poverty index.
Global trade can cause an unbalanced growth in the economy of the country which engages in it. When a country will specialize in a field where it has a comparative advantage for trade, it would likely lead to a focused development in that specific area which can leave behind other uncompetitive sectors (Krugman, 2000).
The author’s suggestion to reform the mindset of the people as an important part to change the system is supported by Simon Kuznetz’s six features of modern economic growth. In the part of the developing country, they have to change the way they decide towards a policy to, this time, consider it and improve it to be biased on the developing country. If advanced countries really have the will to help the developing country to pursue for development and industrialization, there must be a sacrifice on their part.
The article is short yet it opened up a number of issues and a wide field for discussion. The author has a broad overview regarding the concept of free trade. He critically applied the principles of equitable and efficient global resource allocation among societies. This means that being an economist, he does not only conform to the conventional belief of economics that liberalized trade can benefit more to people. He does not consider efficiency only for capital and land owners but to everyone who is and can be affected by policies implemented. Economics, being a discipline under social science, must consider the welfare of the society (Gomez, et. al., 2000). And that consideration is prioritized by the author in the article. He also embarked upon the different subdivision of the subject. He regarded the international interaction of countries as well as the governing politics in each negotiation. He included his observation on how decisions were made and he discussed about the discrepancies in the institution which facilitates the global interaction of trade.
The article presented issues from a general perspective of development inequality brought about by trade liberalization down to the politics involved in intellectual property rights discussion. The flow of the article leads the reader to see trade liberalism as a deep issue which is not only limited to import and export exchange among countries.
The author was audacious to present ideas usually considered as an open secret- an obvious fact but is constantly denied or kept unnoticed. He identified reasons how and why trade liberalism creates inequality to nations. When the author said that there is something wrong with the world trading system he subsequently offered facts and theories to prove his stand. It is quite good that he gave pragmatic examples but he fall short to show precise data to further defend his allegations and arguments. For instance, he said that trade negotiations left poor countries worse off when they were forced to cut subsidies and bring down tariff level by the advanced industrialized countries. It would be better if he showed an excerpt from the round of trade negotiation which defined the policy and the agreement among the countries. Better if he showed cardinal values which will illustrate the level of tariff in each country. It will help the reader formulate and reason out why or what are other reasons behind the unequal imposition of tariff levels.
There was a shortcoming in the part of the author to give a clear and concise definition of the terms used such as free trade. The author failed to give theories and arguments which define the concept of free trade. It would be better if he presented first the concept of free trade – its pros and cons before bombarding his arguments. If the reader can clearly grasp the author’s perception of free trade it would then be smooth to judge the point of view presented.
There have been no characterizations of what the picture of a developed or a developing country is. Given that the author mentioned that globalization affect each countries based on their nature, he refused to associate the nature of a country on how it can decide to a policy. Yes he mentioned about the abuse of power but not on how these power are asserted to control the votes of each representative systematically; that is aside from his given point of political and self interests.
The kind of development paradigm as the basis for growth measurement was not clearly identified. It is important to be defined especially when talking about growth or failure as a result of globalization. Failure to do so can cause doubt on the conclusion of the article.
It was good when the author suggested the need to change the mindset of negotiators in the way that trading decisions are made as well as encourage each country to promote efficiency, fairness, and development but he should have reflected twice. As Adam Smith recognized the concept of self-interest or utility, it is inevitable to consider that each country will view fairness, efficiency, and development in their own perspective (Pen, 1967). Thus, the change in mindset will follow after the change in system because the way of thinking is developed by the system. Thus the author must suggest alternatives on how the ideology towards global equity will be developed.
The article appeared to be comprehensive for economics majors but no so for other social science apprentice whose background in trade liberalism is a nuance.
According to Newton, in every action there is a reaction. That is the reason why controversies and issues pop out. It is certain that different social science disciplines are interdependent in terms of decision making. In the article, the author pointed out the need to reform institutionally and ideologically based on the concept of democracy and transparency. Nevertheless, he lacked in clarifying how can the change be possible, where to begin, and failed to paint a concise picture on how this reform can be achieved.
The author provided a good flow of how social justice can be asserted amidst global trading system. It is good when he emphasized that institutional change would not be possible unless there is ideological change. This can be better if he presented ways on how can this change be realized. To challenge the system will require a lot of effort and perseverance.
The issues regarding the intellectual property rights open a wide horizon for research with regard to its context and further implication in the society. What was raised in the article was the way which the right to intellectual property can pave for monopoly. The author is implying that global trade is controlled not only by advanced nations, more so by few international business elites. This shows how politics can gravely affect international relations.
If a further study will be conducted regarding the advocacies of trade, it can contribute to the analysis on the social implication of global trade. Hence, allegations on free trade as a form of global exploitation for the benefit of the few can be further restructured.
In the case of these gigantic multinational corporations, in their game in the global trade, it was emphasized that they want to gain the highest profit with less cost. Yet they had too much of it when we refer to it financially (Pen. 1967). Is it really all about profit? Can the concept of gigantism be applied in the situation? This concept of gigantism refers to the goal of corporations to expand and earn global control and power. This concept does not consider profit as the main objective for expansion but expansion itself (Pen, 1967).
The article left inquiries which can be a good parting point for research. Some of these are: Does the advanced industrialized country really aim to advance global social welfare through the promotion of free trade or is it still part of their agenda to gain power over humanity? Does trade liberalism imply the existence of neo-imperialism? It was also suggested by the author that there must be changes in the mindset in order to create change in the society but how can be the biased mindset alter the system if it is rooted from the concept of liberalism? In addition, there is a need to define what is a just and efficient trading in relation to the community it affects.
Despite of the international promotion for free trade, issues such as social justice and equity cannot be ignored. As economics majors always say, there is always a tradeoff between efficiency and equity. But what is really the measurement for efficiency and what is for equity? How important is the society in terms of growth and development? These questions may seem to have an obvious answer long time before, yet until the present its application to society seems bleak.
Bibliography
Caves, R., & Jones, R. (1985). World Trade and Payments: An Introduction. Toronto: Little, Brown and Company.
Galbraith, J.K. (1975). Economics and the Public Purpose. United States of America: Houghton Mifflin Company.
Gomez, D., et. al. (2000). Reforming Social Policy: Changing Perspectives on Sustainable Human Development. Canada: International Development Research Centre.
Krugman, P. & Obstfeld, M. (2000). International Economics (5th edition). United States of America: Addison-Wesley Reading.
Mankiw, N.G. (2004). Principles of Economics (3rd edition). United States of America: Thomson Learning.
Nyilas, J. (1976). Integration in the World Economy East-West and Inter-State Relations. Hungary: Akademia Kiado.
Pen, J. (1967). A Primer on International Trade. New York: Random House.
Thompson, H. (1993). International Economics: A Microeconomic Approach. Toronto: Longman Publishing Group.
Todaro, M. (1997). Economic Development. United States of America: Addison-Wesley Reading.
2006-69621
en el globalization
Automatically translated into Spanish thanks to WorldLingo
Stilglitz, José. Justicia social y comercio global. Revisión económica de Extremo Oriente: Review Publishing Company limitada. Marzo de 2006, volumen 169. Número 2.
Una revisión en la justicia social y el comercio global
“comercio puede hacer cada uno mejor-apagado”. Éste es el segundo principio de la economía que se incorpora y utilizó pues el encanto por libre cambio aboga (FTAs) para empujar el concepto del liberalismo comercial. El mercado libre, el libre cambio, el liberalismo comercial, y el globalization, éstos son términos sinónimos usados para denotar un comercio internacional sin restricción. Desalienta la intervención del gobierno en el mercado y promueve internacionalismo entre naciones. Éste es el sistema contemporáneo del mercado ofrecido por pocas naciones influyentes para el resto del mundo. La promoción del crecimiento y del desarrollo para cada país que enganche a ella es el lema de FTAs.
El artículo presentó los pros y el contra de comercial global y de sus implicaciones a la humanidad. También presentó conceptos con respecto a justicia y la equidad en lo referente a cambios en la economía causó por el liberalismo comercial. Preguntó el propósito de pactos y de acuerdos internacionales en términos de representación apropiada y la consideración con respecto a la toma de decisión comercial. Por lo tanto, el autor abogó un cambio institucional.
Básicamente, el artículo intenta la atención del allover de los legisladores y de los negociadores el mundo para mirar detrás en la razón principal por la que están en la posición que es representar, servir, y promover bienestar entre la gente, más así pues, en su nación respectiva. El autor también quisiera despertar al público del ensueño de la salud que el libre cambio promete a cada nación a cuál engancha a él. Así, él anima a gente que esté enterada, sea crítico, y sea vigilante a las políticas que pueden afectar a la sociedad. Sin embargo, el lector debe tener un fondo en los principios de base de la economía, sobre el concepto del libre cambio, y mira a gente mientras que el ser social que abarca una nación y puede ser afectado así por cada política puesta en ejecución.
El artículo presentó las ediciones que implican los diversos advocacies del liberalismo económico. Esto incluye el liberalismo comercial, la desregulación, y la protección de la característica intelectual. Un número de situaciones donde el comercio tenía un impacto en la economía y las condiciones sociales de cierta nación también fueron incluidas. Las teorías y la creencia común con respecto a libre cambio fueron identificadas. Aunque los hechos sociales, tales como la diferencia en el nivel de la tarifa entre países fueron presentados, no se incorporó ninguna evidencia empírica concreta y exacta en el artículo. Él se abrió cómo algo avanzó países industrializados da esfuerzo de endosar y de racionalizar situaciones para empujar para el globalization. El autor, el José Stiglitz, los efectos también iterados del libre cambio a convertirse y las naciones desarrolladas y cómo estas naciones reaccionan hacia el sistema.
Compensaciones de la cara de la gente (Mankiw, 2004). Esto explica porqué en global negociar alguno perderá y algunos). El negociar global no será posible sin las negociaciones comerciales y los acuerdos en medio ganarán (Krugman, la nación 2000each que enganchará a él. Recientemente, estas cumbres comerciales son la razón primaria del descontento de diversos partidos implicados. Las alegaciones que las naciones ricas llegan a ser más ricas mientras que las naciones pobres degradan son apoyadas por el hecho de que incluso con el acuerdo que la tarifa nivela debe ser bajado abajo de acuerdo al principio del libre cambio; hay imposición desigual de los niveles de la tarifa (Nyilas, 1976). Nivel de la tarifa de los países desarrollados el' es cuatro veces más arriba que los países en desarrollo. Los países en vías de desarrollo también fueron forzados para eliminar subsidios en contraste con las políticas puestas en ejecución de los países desarrollados' para apoyar el sector de la producción sobre todo la agricultura. Proporcionado por el ejemplo de la condición de México según los términos del acuerdo norteño del libre cambio de América (NAFTA) donde el mercado más grande del mundo fue abierto para ellos, su crecimiento habría sido más rápido pero la otra manera sucedió. El Globalization afecta cada nación diferentemente. Solamente los países con colmo al nivel completo del empleo y de una economía madura pueden beneficiar del sistema. Se da a eso, el sistema que negocia actualmente en polarización negativa hacia países desarrollados. Fue descubierto que esos países que no persiguieron políticas del globalization fueron registrados con el nivel más rápido del crecimiento. Los ejemplos de éstos eran los países en Asia del este (Stiglitz, 2006). La negociación con respecto a la derecha de característica intelectual también fue abordada. Como el autor acentuó, por debajo del façade de principios del liberalismo comercial está la política simple del interés de uno mismo. Los países desarrollados desean abrir la economía mundial libremente para tener un mercado más ancho para las exportaciones (Stiglitz, 2006).
Así hay una necesidad de cambiar las políticas actuales del sistema que negocian. Hay una llamada para invertir su oblicuidad a favor de los países en desarrollo. Si hay un cambio en el acercamiento actual en las negociaciones comerciales puede aliviar más la situación. Las representaciones apropiadas para cada partido implicado pueden mejorar el presente sus posiciones, sentimientos, y recomendaciones en lo que respecta a los asuntos que negocian (Stiglitz, 2006). Con la representación y la consulta apropiadas, el cuerpo puede subir con una decisión más apropiada en el sistema de negociar incorporado por el concepto del desarrollo. El problema de la representación fue identificado porque decisiones de los políticos las' eran paliativas en lo que respecta a negociar. Son influenciados generalmente por los grupos de interés especial de los cuales también vinieron (Nyilas, 1976). Por lo tanto hay una necesidad de mejorar la calidad, la transparencia, y la democracia verdadera en la arena política doméstica. No obstante, las reformas estructurales nunca serán authenticadas a menos que haya un cambio en el aspecto ideológico de la gente implicada. A menos que el mindset piense para la asistencia social y el desarrollo, cada decisión que suben será solamente en polarización negativa en su línea del interés. Hay una llamada para reformar la organización del comercio mundial, sus políticas, y sus regulaciones. Aunque esto no garantizará un cambio perfecto en.beneficio del partido agraviado pero esto puede ser un peso para crear el balance entre naciones en términos de comercio.
Conforme a los líos identificados arriba, la actitud del artículo un desafío para crear el cambio en el sistema. Hay una llamada imprescindible para que la sociedad proteja las sus derechas contra punterías opportunistic.
En medio de la racionalización económica, el análisis razonado más dominante para empujar libre cambio es política. Un ejemplo de esto es el concepto que detrás de las reglas y de las políticas puestas en ejecución por la organización del comercio mundial (WTO) y otros acuerdos que negocian son agenda de los imperialistas' a ganar en el costo de sociedades menos desarrolladas, tomando a ventaja sus vulnerabilidades así como sus recursos (Galbraith, 1975). Esta exposición se debe considerar por los regidores. Tienen que ser escépticos a cada acuerdo que contratan adentro porque a su mentira de las manos la estipulación de su país. Un ejemplo presentado por el autor es el asunto de los países del abogado del libre cambio para bajar tarifas en todos los productos abajo a cero (Caves y Jones, 1985). Es irónico sin embargo, porque estos países desarrollados no hacen ninguna tal cosa. Esta política puede afectar grandemente una economía del país en vías de desarrollo. Transitivo al movimiento de bajar tarifas es cortar subsidios de gobierno especialmente al sector agrícola porque éste cambiará mercado-fijó precios y éste está contra la ley del mercado libre. Ésta es otra oferta de FTA de que ellos mismos no hicieron caso. Los subsidios a los granjeros hacen el precio de una producción más alta y de un mercado más bajo posible. Así para estos países, dado una productividad más alta, es fácil exportar especialmente para una tarifa más baja. En este caso, los países que obedecieron la política de la ninguno-tarifa, ninguno-subsidio pierden del comercio (Gomez, et. al., 2000).
La existencia de diferencias en tarifas entre países a pesar de acuerdos internacionales de nivelarlo pudo ser una buena edición a descubrir. Junto con esto, la presentación simple del autor de cómo los productos de los países industrializados de los países en vías de desarrollo el' mercado de exportación fue obstaculizado para crecer por' especialmente con su sector subvencionado de la producción tal como agricultura puede ser una buena discusión para los investigadores que están menos en el favor para que el libre cambio y un asunto desafiador refuten para FTAs.
Stiglitz también expuso algunas anomalías implicadas en la formulación y la toma de decisión de la política en el nivel internacional. Cuando él precisó que los países influyentes, desarrollados tales como los Estados Unidos, Japón, Canadá, y el EU están tomando la responsabilidad de conducir exámenes, estudios, y otras actividades para probar las ventajas causadas por libre cambio adentro a diversos países y están haciendo una campaña internacional masiva que empuja para el liberalismo comercial principio-basado en contraste con las políticas están poniendo en ejecución en sus propios países, él demostró que estos países ocultan bajo su máscara benévola de ser un alleviator de la pobreza mientras que surreptitiously se aprovechan de estos países en vías de desarrollo menos desarrollados y para ganar beneficio, y energía. Siendo economista, tomará muchos de valor y de pensamiento crítico para que el autor se desvíe de la idea de corriente de la promoción del libre cambio. Por lo tanto, este artículo promoverá la investigación y la crítica adicionales con respecto a los efectos del liberalismo comercial a través de países.
Hay diversos modelos económicos, especialmente conforme al desarrollo y a la economía internacional que los intentos para explicar la relación del comercio al crecimiento pero cada uno de ésos dieron a situación que otras cosas eran constante llevada a cabo, así haciendo el modelo menos aplicable en el de la vida real. Otro estudio en este asunto se sugiere para ayudar a aclarar ediciones en el área.
Los regidores deben también considerar el estado de su país antes de concurrir en un decreto. El liberalismo comercial, según el autor, puede beneficiar una nación en lo que respecta a su estado actual. Una economía madura beneficia más mientras que una economía que se convierte no puede competir bien, por lo tanto llega a ser más pobre. Esto puede ser un buen punto de la salida para que los investigadores encuentren la relación entre per capita estar parado de cada país a los efectos del globalization a la distribución de ingresos. En la consideración del índice humano del desarrollo, en términos de paradigma de la político-economía, el asunto con respecto a comercio y el desarrollo serán un amplio campo para el estudio.
Sugiriendo para que la solución cambie el mindset de la gente el autor consiguió la respuesta radical más probable. Esto es lo que debe experimentar la sociedad para pensar fuera de la caja y realizar la importancia del patriotismo y del sentido social. Esto es una recomendación para cada ciudadano más específicamente a los regidores.
Hay diversas clasificaciones para los países. En esta revisión los países serán clasificados según lo convertido, el convertirse, y lo menos - convertido. Estas clasificaciones se basan en diversas características de un país tales como per capita renta y índice humano del desarrollo. En el paradigma ortodoxo, el crecimiento de un país será basado solamente en el aumento per capita de la renta. En esta revisión, el paradigma político de la economía será utilizado para definir crecimiento en un país, que está con el nivel de ingresos; el crecimiento también será basado en la condición y la satisfacción humanas. El estado de cada país será la base en cómo será afectado por el globalization. Como cambio anterior, libre dicho hace un país rico mejor apagado en el costo de naciones subdesarrolladas. Esta cuenta se puede ver en diversas perspectivas de la importación y de la exportación tan bien como en su efecto en el empleo y la industria. Los países con el empleo completo o cerca del nivel del empleo completo y de una economía madura se consideran como los países desarrollados; en cambio están el convertirse y lo menos - los países desarrollados (Gomez, et. al. 2000).
La teoría de la Corazón-Periferia (CPT)
esta teoría también se conoce como el modelo neocolonial de la dependencia que fluyó hacia fuera de la ideología marxista. Esto demuestra la relación de un centro/de una nación más de gran alcance a sus colonias/naciones más débiles. La base intencionalmente o unconsciously domina, oprime, y agota los recursos del país menos de gran alcance. A veces si la intención de la base es ayudar a la colonia, termina encima de estropear el país al punto que el país podría estar parado no más sin la ayuda de la base. Quiénes mantienen esta clase de relación es esa gente que gana, goza de su renta, estado social, y energía política del sistema. Solamente con una revolución o con la reestructuración importante del sistema del capitalista puede liberar a las colonias de la opresión de la base (Todaro, 1997). El CPT se puede asociar directamente al actual sistema existente según lo retratado por la relación de las naciones norteñas del hemisferio, como la “base”, a los países sobre todo africanos y asiáticos como su mercado/colonias/los países del satélite de la extensión/de la periferia. En nombre de mercado libre, estas naciones de gran alcance empujan para los mercados libres de aranceles así como ninguno-a la política del subsidio así que pueden tener un mercado para sus productos de sobra y ganar más beneficio. En una economía libre de aranceles, la “periferia” puede exportar libremente algunos de sus agrícolas/productos brutos que sean la fuente principal de las materias primas baratas para la economía industrializada y de la fabricación de la “base” (Galbraith, 1975). Cómo es irónico puede parecerse pero la “base” en realidad no sigue la política para abandonar subsidio especialmente a sus granjeros (Stiglitz, 2006). Así la base puede producir más en un precio más barato. Con una productividad más alta, la base puede ahora exportar los productos (productos agrícolas) que son esenciales para mercado de exportación de los países en vías de desarrollo' tal como maíz, arroz, etc. Puesto que la base puede ahora exportar estas mercancías, sigue que necesitan no más importar tales. Habrá un más pequeño o peor ahora ningún mercado para la periferia. Puesto que el gobierno subvenciona no más, deje la opinión el sector de arroz, un coste más alto para la producción de este producto se incurre en. El arroz localmente producido más costoso puede competir no más con el arroz importado más barato. Esta condición desalentará a granjeros locales para producir el bueno. Éste es el principio de la dependencia de la periferia a la base para la producción del arroz. En la otra mano, en la búsqueda para un beneficio más alto, la base puede elegir al outsource a algunas de sus compañías a la periferia debido a el trabajo barato (Thompson, 1993). Éste es el caso de las actuales compañías o del Outsourcing del proceso de negocio (BPO) del centro de la llamada. Por supuesto esto puede proporcionar los trabajos, trabajos contractuales, entre los ciudadanos del satélite. En el otro sentido, forzaron a estos ciudadanos desviarse de su horario de tiempo generalmente para ajustar en la naturaleza de sus clientes. Aunque esta clase de trabajo puede proporcionar una buena fuente de la renta para los ciudadanos, en términos de bienestar de los empleados, de ésta puede degradar. Esto puede dañar la salud del trabajador, disturba su horario de tiempo regular, se estanca el su aprender y uso de su grado del estudiante o aún de su profesión (en el caso de algunos profesores que hicieron un agente del centro de la llamada). Esto puede también afectar la relación de la familia. Dado este ejemplo, puede apoyar la idea que el libre cambio puede lastimar economías menos maduras. En contraste con CPT, el esquema actual del globalization declara u outrightly utiliza la energía de la “base” de forzar países basados en los satélites para aceptar y para poner políticas de libre cambio en ejecución a través de diversas instituciones tales como el Fondo Monetario Internacional (el FMI), el banco mundial (WB), WTO, y otros acuerdos y redondos que aborde ediciones del comercio internacional.
Revolución contraria neoclásica
Ésta es la ideología que incorpora el concepto del liberalismo comercial - el sistema contemporáneo promovido por los países desarrollados. Esta teoría tiene tres acercamientos: libre-mercado, opción pública, y el mercado-amistoso. El libre-mercado mantiene la idea que el mercado solamente es eficiente ninguna intervención del gobierno en el mercado está promovido así. Neoclassicists uphold their advocacies through obtaining control over the world’s major institutions such as the World Bank (WB), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and in the United Nation Development Program (UNDP). The above mentioned countries plus other influential countries – members of the Group of 8 (G8), greatly dominates the world trading system. They lead the formulation of international trade agreements as well as presenting rules and policies for referendum for countries. These trade agreements and the hocus-focus underlying in the pacts is the main issue of this article. According to Stiglitz trade agreements are dominated, manipulated and biased to the interest of developed countries, worst, for few interest groups alone.
Specific Factors Model (SFM)
This model presents how differences in countries’ resources can cause international trade. Income distribution is strongly affected by international trade as shown by this model. Thus this model can help explain why countries need to negotiate and that is because no single territory contains all the resources needed for diversified production. SFM suggest that factors specific to exports gain from trade while import-competing sectors lose (Krugman, 2000). On the other hand, labor sector may either gain or lose. This model can visibly position the context in the article. Since, most economist believe that trade can benefit more than without it, conceptually, those who benefit can compensate those who lose. But this is not the real case. That is the reason behind the discontent of the losers. Social inequality arise when some people or country gain in the expense of others up to the point of exploitation and deception.
Under trade liberalism, gains from trade can only be achieved by developed nation or those countries with mature economy (Thompson, 1993). The definition of what a mature economy can be based on Rostow’s stages of economic growth. On one hand, when a country is developing it can be classified under the second stage which is the precondition for take-off. It is where improvement in transportation, agriculture, and expansion of imports occur. Thus, the economy is not yet ripe. On the other hand, when the economy is mature it can be considered under the last stage of the model which is the age of mass consumption where the society can choose to become a welfare state or an international military power. It is characterized by a strong, competitive economy, usually under full employment level (Todaro, 1997). In this situation, an economy with full employment level will not be much affected by trade liberalization. The laborers in sector which is affected by strong importation can easily find job and transfer to other sectors which gain more in trade. Unlike in developing nations, laborers which are affected by trade are threatened to lose their job, thus adding to the unemployment rate in the country (Krugman, 2000). High unemployment rate means higher poverty index.
Global trade can cause an unbalanced growth in the economy of the country which engages in it. When a country will specialize in a field where it has a comparative advantage for trade, it would likely lead to a focused development in that specific area which can leave behind other uncompetitive sectors (Krugman, 2000).
The author’s suggestion to reform the mindset of the people as an important part to change the system is supported by Simon Kuznetz’s six features of modern economic growth. In the part of the developing country, they have to change the way they decide towards a policy to, this time, consider it and improve it to be biased on the developing country. If advanced countries really have the will to help the developing country to pursue for development and industrialization, there must be a sacrifice on their part.
The article is short yet it opened up a number of issues and a wide field for discussion. The author has a broad overview regarding the concept of free trade. He critically applied the principles of equitable and efficient global resource allocation among societies. This means that being an economist, he does not only conform to the conventional belief of economics that liberalized trade can benefit more to people. He does not consider efficiency only for capital and land owners but to everyone who is and can be affected by policies implemented. Economics, being a discipline under social science, must consider the welfare of the society (Gomez, et. al., 2000). And that consideration is prioritized by the author in the article. He also embarked upon the different subdivision of the subject. He regarded the international interaction of countries as well as the governing politics in each negotiation. He included his observation on how decisions were made and he discussed about the discrepancies in the institution which facilitates the global interaction of trade.
The article presented issues from a general perspective of development inequality brought about by trade liberalization down to the politics involved in intellectual property rights discussion. The flow of the article leads the reader to see trade liberalism as a deep issue which is not only limited to import and export exchange among countries.
The author was audacious to present ideas usually considered as an open secret- an obvious fact but is constantly denied or kept unnoticed. He identified reasons how and why trade liberalism creates inequality to nations. When the author said that there is something wrong with the world trading system he subsequently offered facts and theories to prove his stand. It is quite good that he gave pragmatic examples but he fall short to show precise data to further defend his allegations and arguments. For instance, he said that trade negotiations left poor countries worse off when they were forced to cut subsidies and bring down tariff level by the advanced industrialized countries. It would be better if he showed an excerpt from the round of trade negotiation which defined the policy and the agreement among the countries. Better if he showed cardinal values which will illustrate the level of tariff in each country. It will help the reader formulate and reason out why or what are other reasons behind the unequal imposition of tariff levels.
There was a shortcoming in the part of the author to give a clear and concise definition of the terms used such as free trade. The author failed to give theories and arguments which define the concept of free trade. It would be better if he presented first the concept of free trade – its pros and cons before bombarding his arguments. If the reader can clearly grasp the author’s perception of free trade it would then be smooth to judge the point of view presented.
There have been no characterizations of what the picture of a developed or a developing country is. Given that the author mentioned that globalization affect each countries based on their nature, he refused to associate the nature of a country on how it can decide to a policy. Yes he mentioned about the abuse of power but not on how these power are asserted to control the votes of each representative systematically; that is aside from his given point of political and self interests.
The kind of development paradigm as the basis for growth measurement was not clearly identified. It is important to be defined especially when talking about growth or failure as a result of globalization. Failure to do so can cause doubt on the conclusion of the article.
It was good when the author suggested the need to change the mindset of negotiators in the way that trading decisions are made as well as encourage each country to promote efficiency, fairness, and development but he should have reflected twice. As Adam Smith recognized the concept of self-interest or utility, it is inevitable to consider that each country will view fairness, efficiency, and development in their own perspective (Pen, 1967). Thus, the change in mindset will follow after the change in system because the way of thinking is developed by the system. Thus the author must suggest alternatives on how the ideology towards global equity will be developed.
The article appeared to be comprehensive for economics majors but no so for other social science apprentice whose background in trade liberalism is a nuance.
According to Newton, in every action there is a reaction. That is the reason why controversies and issues pop out. It is certain that different social science disciplines are interdependent in terms of decision making. In the article, the author pointed out the need to reform institutionally and ideologically based on the concept of democracy and transparency. Nevertheless, he lacked in clarifying how can the change be possible, where to begin, and failed to paint a concise picture on how this reform can be achieved.
The author provided a good flow of how social justice can be asserted amidst global trading system. It is good when he emphasized that institutional change would not be possible unless there is ideological change. This can be better if he presented ways on how can this change be realized. To challenge the system will require a lot of effort and perseverance.
The issues regarding the intellectual property rights open a wide horizon for research with regard to its context and further implication in the society. What was raised in the article was the way which the right to intellectual property can pave for monopoly. The author is implying that global trade is controlled not only by advanced nations, more so by few international business elites. This shows how politics can gravely affect international relations.
If a further study will be conducted regarding the advocacies of trade, it can contribute to the analysis on the social implication of global trade. Hence, allegations on free trade as a form of global exploitation for the benefit of the few can be further restructured.
In the case of these gigantic multinational corporations, in their game in the global trade, it was emphasized that they want to gain the highest profit with less cost. Yet they had too much of it when we refer to it financially (Pen. 1967). Is it really all about profit? Can the concept of gigantism be applied in the situation? This concept of gigantism refers to the goal of corporations to expand and earn global control and power. This concept does not consider profit as the main objective for expansion but expansion itself (Pen, 1967).
The article left inquiries which can be a good parting point for research. Some of these are: Does the advanced industrialized country really aim to advance global social welfare through the promotion of free trade or is it still part of their agenda to gain power over humanity? Does trade liberalism imply the existence of neo-imperialism? It was also suggested by the author that there must be changes in the mindset in order to create change in the society but how can be the biased mindset alter the system if it is rooted from the concept of liberalism? In addition, there is a need to define what is a just and efficient trading in relation to the community it affects.
Despite of the international promotion for free trade, issues such as social justice and equity cannot be ignored. As economics majors always say, there is always a tradeoff between efficiency and equity. But what is really the measurement for efficiency and what is for equity? How important is the society in terms of growth and development? These questions may seem to have an obvious answer long time before, yet until the present its application to society seems bleak.
Bibliography
Caves, R., & Jones, R. (1985). World Trade and Payments: An Introduction. Toronto: Little, Brown and Company.
Galbraith, J.K. (1975). Economics and the Public Purpose. United States of America: Houghton Mifflin Company.
Gomez, D., et. al. (2000). Reforming Social Policy: Changing Perspectives on Sustainable Human Development. Canada: International Development Research Centre.
Krugman, P. & Obstfeld, M. (2000). International Economics (5th edition). United States of America: Addison-Wesley Reading.
Mankiw, N.G. (2004). Principles of Economics (3rd edition). United States of America: Thomson Learning.
Nyilas, J. (1976). Integration in the World Economy East-West and Inter-State Relations. Hungary: Akademia Kiado.
Pen, J. (1967). A Primer on International Trade. New York: Random House.
Thompson, H. (1993). International Economics: A Microeconomic Approach. Toronto: Longman Publishing Group.
Todaro, M. (1997). Economic Development. United States of America: Addison-Wesley Reading.
2006-69621
su globalization
Automatically translated into Italian thanks to WorldLingo
Stilglitz, Joseph. Giustizia sociale e commercio globale. Rassegna economica dell'Estremo-Oriente: Review Publishing Company limitata. Marzo 2006, volume 169. Numero 2.
Una revisione su giustizia sociale e su commercio globale
“commercio può rendere tutto migliore-fuori„. Ciò è il secondo principio di economia che comprende ed ha usato poichè il periodo da libero scambio sostiene (FTAs) per spingere il concetto di liberalism commerciale. Il mercato libero, il libero scambio, il liberalism commerciale ed il globalization, questi sono termini sinonimi usati per denotare un commercio internazionale senza restrizione. Scoraggia l'intervento di governo nel mercato e promuove il internationalism fra le nazioni. Ciò è il sistema contemporaneo del mercato offerto da poche nazioni influenti per il resto del mondo. La promozione di sviluppo e di sviluppo per ogni paese che si aggancerà in esso è lo slogan di FTAs.
L'articolo ha presentato i pro ed il contro di commerciale globale e delle relative implicazioni ad umanità. Inoltre ha presentato i concetti per quanto riguarda giustizia e l'equità rispetto ai cambiamenti nell'economia ha determinato da liberalism commerciale. Ha messo in discussione lo scopo dei patti e degli accordi internazionali in termini di rappresentazione adeguata e la considerazione per quanto riguarda risoluzione commerciale. Quindi, l'autore ha sostenuto un cambiamento istituzionale.
Basicamente, l'articolo cerca l'attenzione del allover dei negoziatori e dei legislatori il mondo per guardare indietro sulla ragione per la quale principale sono nella posizione che sono rappresentare, servire e promuovere il benessere fra la gente, più così, nella loro nazione rispettiva. L'autore inoltre vorrebbe svegliare il pubblico dal reverie del wellness che il libero scambio promette ad ogni nazione quale si aggancia in esso. Quindi, consiglia alla gente essere informata, è critico ed è vigilante alle politiche che possono interessare la società. Tuttavia, il lettore deve avere una priorità bassa nei principi di base di economia, circa il concetto di libero scambio e considera la gente mentre essere sociale che contiene una nazione e può essere influenzato così da ogni politica effettuata.
L'articolo ha presentato le edizioni che coinvolgono i advocacies differenti di liberalism economico. Ciò include il liberalism commerciale, il deregulation e la protezione della proprietà intellettuale. Un certo numero di situazioni dove il commercio ha avuto un effetto nell'economia e nello stato sociale di determinata nazione inoltre sono state incluse. Le teorie e la credenza comune per quanto riguarda libero scambio sono state identificate. Anche se i fatti sociali, quale la differenza nel livello di tariffa fra i paesi sono stati presentati, nessuna prova empirica concreta e precisa è stata compresa nell'articolo. Si è aperto come alcuni avanzati hanno industrializzato i paesi danno lo sforzo firmare e razionalizzare le situazioni per spingere per globalization. L'autore, il Joseph Stiglitz, gli effetti anche ripetuti di libero scambio allo sviluppo e le nazioni sviluppate e come queste nazioni reagiscono verso il sistema.
Alternanze della faccia della gente (Mankiw, 2004). Ciò spiega perchè in globale commerciare alcuno perderà ed alcuni). Il commercio globale non sarà possibile senza trattative commerciali e gli accordi in mezzo guadagneranno (Krugman, nazione 2000each che si aggancerà in esso. Recentemente, queste sommità commerciali sono il motivo principale per il malcontento delle parti differenti in causa. Le allegazioni che le nazioni ricche diventano più ricche mentre le povere nazioni degradano sono sostenute dal fatto che anche con l'accordo che la tariffa livella deve essere abbassato giù nell'accordo al principio di libero scambio; ci è l'imposizione disuguale dei livelli di tariffa (Nyilas, 1976). Il livello di tariffa dei paesi sviluppati' è quattro volte più superiore ai p#si in via di sviluppo. I p#si in via di sviluppo inoltre sono stati costretti per eliminare le sovvenzioni contrariamente le politiche effettuate ai paesi sviluppati' per sostenere il settore di produzione soprattutto l'agricoltura. Fornito dall'esempio dello stato del Messico sotto accordo di libero scambio nordico dell'America (NAFTA) dove il più grande mercato del mondo è stato aperto per loro, il loro sviluppo sarebbe stato più veloce ma l'altro senso è accaduto. Il Globalization interessa diversamente ogni nazione. Soltanto i paesi con il high al livello completo di occupazione e di un'economia matura possono trarre beneficio dal sistema. È dato quello, attualmente, il sistema commerciale polarizzato verso i paesi sviluppati. È stato scoperto che quei paesi che non hanno perseguito le politiche di globalization sono stati registrati con il livello di sviluppo più veloce. Gli esempi di questi erano i paesi in Asia orientale (Stiglitz, 2006). La trattativa per quanto riguarda il diritto di proprietà intellettuale inoltre è stata affrontata. L'autore ha dato risalto a, sotto il façade dei principii di liberalism commerciale è la politica semplice di auto interesse. I paesi sviluppati desidera aprire l'economia mondiale liberamente per avere un mercato più largo per le esportazioni (Stiglitz, 2006).
Così ci è una necessità di cambiare le politiche commerciali correnti del sistema. Ci è una chiamata per invertire la relativa obliquità per i p#si in via di sviluppo. Se ci è un cambiamento nel metodo corrente sulle trattative commerciali può alleviare più la situazione. Le rappresentazioni adeguate per ogni parte in causa possono migliorare il presente le loro posizioni, sentimenti e raccomandazioni per quanto riguarda le proposte commerciali (Stiglitz, 2006). Con la rappresentazione e la consultazione adeguate, il corpo può fornire una decisione più adatta nel sistema di scambio compreso dal concetto di sviluppo. Il problema della rappresentazione è stato identificato perché le decisioni dei politici' erano palliative per quanto riguarda commerciare. Sono influenzati solitamente dai gruppi di interesse comune speciale da cui inoltre sono venuto (Nyilas, 1976). Di conseguenza ci è una necessità di migliorare la qualità, l'acetato e la democrazia reale nell'arena politica domestica. Ciò nonostante, le riforme strutturali non saranno autenticate mai a meno che ci sia un cambiamento nella funzione ideologica della gente in causa. A meno che il mindset pensi per benessere sociale e sviluppo, ogni decisione che vengono in su sarà soltanto polarizzata sulla loro linea di interesse. Ci è una chiamata per riformare l'organizzazione di commercio mondiale, le relative politiche e le relative regolazioni. Anche se questo non garantirà un cambiamento perfetto a favore del partito danneggiato ma questo può essere un peso per generare l'equilibrio fra le nazioni in termini di commercio.
In conformità con i predicaments identificati qui sopra, la posa dell'articolo una sfida per generare cambiamento nel sistema. Ci è una richiesta imperativa per la società per proteggere i loro diritti dagli obiettivi opportunistic.
In mezzo della razionalizzazione economica, la spiegazione razionale più dominante per la spinta dello scambio libero è politica. Un esempio di questo è il concetto che dietro le regole e le politiche ha effettuato dall'organizzazione di commercio mondiale (WTO) ed altri accordi commerciali sono ordine del giorno dei imperialists' da guadagnare nella spesa delle società meno sviluppate, prendente a vantaggio le loro vulnerabilità così come le loro risorse (Galbraith, 1975). Questo exposé deve essere considerato dai politici. Devono essere scettici ad ogni accordo che si agganciano dentro perché nella loro bugia delle mani la stipulazione del loro paese. Un esempio si è presentato dall'autore è la proposta dei paesi del fautore di libero scambio per abbassare le tariffe su tutti i prodotti giù a zero (Caves & Jones, 1985). È ironico comunque, perché questi paesi sviluppati non fanno tali cose. Questa politica può notevolmente interessare un'economia del p#se in via di sviluppo. Transitivo al movimento abbassare le tariffe è di tagliare le sovvenzioni di governo particolarmente al settore agricolo perché questo cambierà mercato-ha regolato i prezzi e questo è contro la legge del mercato libero. Ciò è un'altra proposta di FTA che essi stessi hanno ignorato. Le sovvenzioni ai coltivatori fanno il prezzo di mercato più basso e di più alta produzione possibile. Così per questi paesi, dato un più alto rendimento, è facile da esportare particolarmente per una tariffa più bassa. In questo caso, i paesi che hanno obbedito la politica della nessun-tariffa, nessun-sovvenzione perde da commercio (Gomez et. Al, 2000).
L'esistenza delle differenze nelle tariffe fra i paesi malgrado gli accordi internazionali livellarlo ha potuto essere una buona edizione da scoprire. Con questo, la presentazione semplice dell'autore di come prodotti dai paesi industrializzati dei p#si in via di sviluppo' il mercato di esportazione è stato ostacolato per svilupparsi' particolarmente con il loro settore sovvenzionato di produzione quale l'agricoltura può essere una buona discussione per i ricercatori che sono di meno nel favore affinchè libero scambio e un soggetto challenging rifiutino per FTAs.
Stiglitz inoltre ha esposto alcune anomalie implicate nella formulazione e nella risoluzione di politica nel livello internazionale. Quando ha precisato che i paesi influenti e sviluppati quale gli Stati Uniti, il Giappone, il Canada e l'UE stanno prendendo la responsabilità di condurre le indagini, gli studi ed altre attività per dimostrare i vantaggi determinati da libero scambio dentro ai paesi differenti e stanno facendo una campagna internazionale voluminosa che spinge per principio-ha basato il liberalism commerciale contrariamente alle politiche che stanno effettuando nei loro propri paesi, ha indicato che questi paesi si nascondono sotto la loro mascherina benevola di essere un alleviator di povertà mentre surreptitiously approfittano di questi p#si meno sviluppati ed in via di sviluppo per guadagnare il profitto e l'alimentazione. Essendo un economista, prenderà il coraggio molto e pensare critico affinchè l'autore devii dall'idea tradizionale della promozione di libero scambio. Di conseguenza, questo articolo promuoverà l'ulteriori ricerca e valutazione per quanto riguarda gli effetti di liberalism commerciale attraverso i paesi.
Ci sono modelli economici differenti, particolarmente in conformità con sviluppo ed economia internazionale che le prove per spiegare il rapporto tra commercio e sviluppo ma ciascuno di quelli hanno dato ad una situazione che altre cose erano costante tenuto, così rendente il modello meno applicabile nell'in vivo. Uno studio ulteriore in questo soggetto è suggerito per contribuire a delucidare le edizioni nella zona.
I politici devono anche considerare la condizione del loro paese prima della concordanza in un decreto. Il liberalism commerciale, secondo l'autore, può avvantaggiare una nazione per quanto riguarda il relativo stato attuale. Un'economia matura avvantaggia più mentre un'economia di sviluppo non può competere bene, quindi diventa più povera. Ciò può essere un buon punto di partenza affinchè i ricercatori trovi il rapporto fra per capita levarsi in piedi di ogni paese agli effetti di globalization a distribuzione del reddito. Nel considerare l'indice umano di sviluppo, in termini di paradigma di politico-economia, il soggetto per quanto riguarda commercio e lo sviluppo saranno un vasto campo per lo studio.
Suggerendo affinchè la soluzione cambi il mindset della gente l'autore ha ottenuto la risposta radicale più probabile. Ciò è che cosa la società deve subire per pensare dalla scatola e rendersi conto dell'importanza di patriotism e della coscienza sociale. Ciò è una raccomandazione per ogni cittadino più specificamente ai politici.
Ci sono classificazioni differenti per i paesi. In questa revisione paesi saranno classificati come diventato, sviluppandosi e meno avanzato. Queste categorizzazioni sono basate sulle caratteristiche differenti di un paese quali per capita reddito e l'indice umano di sviluppo. Nel paradigma ortodosso, lo sviluppo di un paese sarà basato soltanto nell'aumento per capita di reddito. In questa revisione, il paradigma politico di economia sarà usato per definire lo sviluppo in un paese, che è con il livello di reddito; lo sviluppo inoltre sarà basato sullo stato e sulla soddisfazione umani. La condizione di ogni paese sarà la base su come sarà influenzata da globalization. Come detto scambio più iniziale e libero rende un paese ricco migliore fuori nella spesa delle nazioni sottosviluppate. Questo cliente può essere osservato nelle prospettive differenti dell'importazione e dell'esportazione come pure nel relativo effetto nell'occupazione e nell'industria. I paesi con occupazione completa o vicino al livello di occupazione completa e ad un'economia matura sono considerati come i paesi sviluppati; in opposizione sono lo sviluppo ed i paesi meno avanzati (Gomez et. Al 2000).
La teoria di Nucleo-Periferia (CPT)
questa teoria inoltre è conosciuta come il modello neocolonialista di dipendenza che è effluito fuori dall'ideologia marxista. Ciò mostra il rapporto tra un centro/una nazione più potente e le relative colonie/nazioni più deboli. Il nucleo intenzionalmente o unconsciously domina, oppresses ed esaurisce le risorse del paese meno potente. A volte se l'intenzione del nucleo è aiutare la colonia, si conclude sulla rovina del paese al punto che il paese potrebbe più non levarsi in piedi senza l'assistenza del nucleo. Chi effettuano questo genere di rapporto è quella gente che guadagna, gode dal loro reddito, condizione sociale ed alimentazione politica dal sistema. Soltanto con un giro o con la ristrutturazione principale del sistema del capitalista può liberare le colonie dal oppression del nucleo (Todaro, 1997). Il CPT può essere associato direttamente al sistema attuale attuale come ritratto dal rapporto tra le nazioni nordiche di emisfero, come “il nucleo„, e i paesi principalmente africani ed asiatici come il loro mercato di estensione/colonie/paesi periferia/del satellite. In nome del mercato libero, queste nazioni potenti spingono per i mercati tariff-free così come nessun-alla politica di sovvenzione in modo da possono avere un mercato per i loro prodotti surplus e guadagnare più profitto. In un'economia tariff-free, “la periferia„ può esportare liberamente alcuni dei loro agricoli/prodotti grezzi che sono la fonte principale delle materie prime poco costose per l'economia di manufacturing ed industrializzata “del nucleo„ (Galbraith, 1975). Quanto ironico può sembrare ma “il nucleo„ in realtà non segue la politica per abbandonare la sovvenzione particolarmente ai relativi coltivatori (Stiglitz, 2006). Così il nucleo può produrre più ad un prezzo più poco costoso. Con più alto rendimento, il nucleo può ora esportare i prodotti (prodotti agricoli) che sono essenziali il mercato di esportazione a p#si in via di sviluppo' quali mais, riso, ecc. Poiché il nucleo può ora esportare queste merci, segue che più non devono importare tali. Ci ora sarà un più piccolo o più difettoso nessun mercato per la periferia. Poiché il governo più non sovvenziona, lasci l'opinione il settore risicolo, un più alto costo per produzione di questo prodotto è incontrato. Il riso localmente prodotto più costoso può più non competere al riso importato più poco costoso. Questa circostanza scoraggerà i coltivatori locali per produrre il buon. Ciò è l'inizio della dipendenza della periferia al nucleo per produzione del riso. Nell'altra mano, nella ricerca di più alto profitto, il nucleo può scegliere a outsource alcune delle relative aziende alla periferia a causa del lavoro poco costoso (Thompson, 1993). Ciò è il caso delle aziende attuali del centro di chiamata o del Outsourcing di elaborazione di affari (BPO). Naturalmente questo può fornire i lavori, lavori contrattuali, fra i cittadini del satellite. Nell'altro senso, questi cittadini sono stati costretti a deviare dai loro tempi previsti usuali per registrare sulla natura dei loro clienti. Anche se questo genere di lavoro può fornire una buona fonte di reddito per i cittadini, in termini di benessere degli impiegati, di questo può degradare. Ciò può danneggiare la salute dell'operaio, disturba i loro tempi previsti normali, stagna la loro imparare ed applicazione del loro grado dello studente non laureato o persino della loro professione (nel caso di alcuni insegnanti che sono diventato un agente del centro di chiamata). Ciò può anche interessare il rapporto della famiglia. Fornito questo esempio, può sostenere l'idea che il libero scambio può danneggiare le economie meno mature. Contrariamente a CPT, lo schema corrente di globalization enuncia o outrightly usa l'alimentazione “del nucleo„ forzare i paesi satelliti per accettare ed effettuare le politiche di libero scambio attraverso le istituzioni differenti quali il Fondo monetario internazionale (FMI (fondo monetario internazionale)), banca del mondo (WB), WTO ed altri accordi e tondi che affronta le edizioni di commercio internazionale.
Contro giro neoclassico
Ciò è l'ideologia che comprende il concetto di Liberalism commerciale - il sistema contemporaneo promosso dai paesi sviluppati. Questa teoria ha tre metodi: libero-mercato, scelta pubblica e l'mercato-amichevole. Il libero-mercato sostiene l'idea che il mercato da solo è efficiente così nessun intervento di governo nel mercato è promosso. Neoclassicists uphold their advocacies through obtaining control over the world’s major institutions such as the World Bank (WB), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and in the United Nation Development Program (UNDP). The above mentioned countries plus other influential countries – members of the Group of 8 (G8), greatly dominates the world trading system. They lead the formulation of international trade agreements as well as presenting rules and policies for referendum for countries. These trade agreements and the hocus-focus underlying in the pacts is the main issue of this article. According to Stiglitz trade agreements are dominated, manipulated and biased to the interest of developed countries, worst, for few interest groups alone.
Specific Factors Model (SFM)
This model presents how differences in countries’ resources can cause international trade. Income distribution is strongly affected by international trade as shown by this model. Thus this model can help explain why countries need to negotiate and that is because no single territory contains all the resources needed for diversified production. SFM suggest that factors specific to exports gain from trade while import-competing sectors lose (Krugman, 2000). On the other hand, labor sector may either gain or lose. This model can visibly position the context in the article. Since, most economist believe that trade can benefit more than without it, conceptually, those who benefit can compensate those who lose. But this is not the real case. That is the reason behind the discontent of the losers. Social inequality arise when some people or country gain in the expense of others up to the point of exploitation and deception.
Under trade liberalism, gains from trade can only be achieved by developed nation or those countries with mature economy (Thompson, 1993). The definition of what a mature economy can be based on Rostow’s stages of economic growth. On one hand, when a country is developing it can be classified under the second stage which is the precondition for take-off. It is where improvement in transportation, agriculture, and expansion of imports occur. Thus, the economy is not yet ripe. On the other hand, when the economy is mature it can be considered under the last stage of the model which is the age of mass consumption where the society can choose to become a welfare state or an international military power. It is characterized by a strong, competitive economy, usually under full employment level (Todaro, 1997). In this situation, an economy with full employment level will not be much affected by trade liberalization. The laborers in sector which is affected by strong importation can easily find job and transfer to other sectors which gain more in trade. Unlike in developing nations, laborers which are affected by trade are threatened to lose their job, thus adding to the unemployment rate in the country (Krugman, 2000). High unemployment rate means higher poverty index.
Global trade can cause an unbalanced growth in the economy of the country which engages in it. When a country will specialize in a field where it has a comparative advantage for trade, it would likely lead to a focused development in that specific area which can leave behind other uncompetitive sectors (Krugman, 2000).
The author’s suggestion to reform the mindset of the people as an important part to change the system is supported by Simon Kuznetz’s six features of modern economic growth. In the part of the developing country, they have to change the way they decide towards a policy to, this time, consider it and improve it to be biased on the developing country. If advanced countries really have the will to help the developing country to pursue for development and industrialization, there must be a sacrifice on their part.
The article is short yet it opened up a number of issues and a wide field for discussion. The author has a broad overview regarding the concept of free trade. He critically applied the principles of equitable and efficient global resource allocation among societies. This means that being an economist, he does not only conform to the conventional belief of economics that liberalized trade can benefit more to people. He does not consider efficiency only for capital and land owners but to everyone who is and can be affected by policies implemented. Economics, being a discipline under social science, must consider the welfare of the society (Gomez, et. al., 2000). And that consideration is prioritized by the author in the article. He also embarked upon the different subdivision of the subject. He regarded the international interaction of countries as well as the governing politics in each negotiation. He included his observation on how decisions were made and he discussed about the discrepancies in the institution which facilitates the global interaction of trade.
The article presented issues from a general perspective of development inequality brought about by trade liberalization down to the politics involved in intellectual property rights discussion. The flow of the article leads the reader to see trade liberalism as a deep issue which is not only limited to import and export exchange among countries.
The author was audacious to present ideas usually considered as an open secret- an obvious fact but is constantly denied or kept unnoticed. He identified reasons how and why trade liberalism creates inequality to nations. When the author said that there is something wrong with the world trading system he subsequently offered facts and theories to prove his stand. It is quite good that he gave pragmatic examples but he fall short to show precise data to further defend his allegations and arguments. For instance, he said that trade negotiations left poor countries worse off when they were forced to cut subsidies and bring down tariff level by the advanced industrialized countries. It would be better if he showed an excerpt from the round of trade negotiation which defined the policy and the agreement among the countries. Better if he showed cardinal values which will illustrate the level of tariff in each country. It will help the reader formulate and reason out why or what are other reasons behind the unequal imposition of tariff levels.
There was a shortcoming in the part of the author to give a clear and concise definition of the terms used such as free trade. The author failed to give theories and arguments which define the concept of free trade. It would be better if he presented first the concept of free trade – its pros and cons before bombarding his arguments. If the reader can clearly grasp the author’s perception of free trade it would then be smooth to judge the point of view presented.
There have been no characterizations of what the picture of a developed or a developing country is. Given that the author mentioned that globalization affect each countries based on their nature, he refused to associate the nature of a country on how it can decide to a policy. Yes he mentioned about the abuse of power but not on how these power are asserted to control the votes of each representative systematically; that is aside from his given point of political and self interests.
The kind of development paradigm as the basis for growth measurement was not clearly identified. It is important to be defined especially when talking about growth or failure as a result of globalization. Failure to do so can cause doubt on the conclusion of the article.
It was good when the author suggested the need to change the mindset of negotiators in the way that trading decisions are made as well as encourage each country to promote efficiency, fairness, and development but he should have reflected twice. As Adam Smith recognized the concept of self-interest or utility, it is inevitable to consider that each country will view fairness, efficiency, and development in their own perspective (Pen, 1967). Thus, the change in mindset will follow after the change in system because the way of thinking is developed by the system. Thus the author must suggest alternatives on how the ideology towards global equity will be developed.
The article appeared to be comprehensive for economics majors but no so for other social science apprentice whose background in trade liberalism is a nuance.
According to Newton, in every action there is a reaction. That is the reason why controversies and issues pop out. It is certain that different social science disciplines are interdependent in terms of decision making. In the article, the author pointed out the need to reform institutionally and ideologically based on the concept of democracy and transparency. Nevertheless, he lacked in clarifying how can the change be possible, where to begin, and failed to paint a concise picture on how this reform can be achieved.
The author provided a good flow of how social justice can be asserted amidst global trading system. It is good when he emphasized that institutional change would not be possible unless there is ideological change. This can be better if he presented ways on how can this change be realized. To challenge the system will require a lot of effort and perseverance.
The issues regarding the intellectual property rights open a wide horizon for research with regard to its context and further implication in the society. What was raised in the article was the way which the right to intellectual property can pave for monopoly. The author is implying that global trade is controlled not only by advanced nations, more so by few international business elites. This shows how politics can gravely affect international relations.
If a further study will be conducted regarding the advocacies of trade, it can contribute to the analysis on the social implication of global trade. Hence, allegations on free trade as a form of global exploitation for the benefit of the few can be further restructured.
In the case of these gigantic multinational corporations, in their game in the global trade, it was emphasized that they want to gain the highest profit with less cost. Yet they had too much of it when we refer to it financially (Pen. 1967). Is it really all about profit? Can the concept of gigantism be applied in the situation? This concept of gigantism refers to the goal of corporations to expand and earn global control and power. This concept does not consider profit as the main objective for expansion but expansion itself (Pen, 1967).
The article left inquiries which can be a good parting point for research. Some of these are: Does the advanced industrialized country really aim to advance global social welfare through the promotion of free trade or is it still part of their agenda to gain power over humanity? Does trade liberalism imply the existence of neo-imperialism? It was also suggested by the author that there must be changes in the mindset in order to create change in the society but how can be the biased mindset alter the system if it is rooted from the concept of liberalism? In addition, there is a need to define what is a just and efficient trading in relation to the community it affects.
Despite of the international promotion for free trade, issues such as social justice and equity cannot be ignored. As economics majors always say, there is always a tradeoff between efficiency and equity. But what is really the measurement for efficiency and what is for equity? How important is the society in terms of growth and development? These questions may seem to have an obvious answer long time before, yet until the present its application to society seems bleak.
Bibliography
Caves, R., & Jones, R. (1985). World Trade and Payments: An Introduction. Toronto: Little, Brown and Company.
Galbraith, J.K. (1975). Economics and the Public Purpose. United States of America: Houghton Mifflin Company.
Gomez, D., et. al. (2000). Reforming Social Policy: Changing Perspectives on Sustainable Human Development. Canada: International Development Research Centre.
Krugman, P. & Obstfeld, M. (2000). International Economics (5th edition). United States of America: Addison-Wesley Reading.
Mankiw, N.G. (2004). Principles of Economics (3rd edition). United States of America: Thomson Learning.
Nyilas, J. (1976). Integration in the World Economy East-West and Inter-State Relations. Hungary: Akademia Kiado.
Pen, J. (1967). A Primer on International Trade. New York: Random House.
Thompson, H. (1993). International Economics: A Microeconomic Approach. Toronto: Longman Publishing Group.
Todaro, M. (1997). Economic Development. United States of America: Addison-Wesley Reading.
2006-69621
auf Globalisierung
Automatically translated into German thanks to WorldLingo
Stilglitz, Joseph. Sozialgerechtigkeit und globaler Handel. Fernöstlicher ökonomischer Bericht: Review Publishing Company begrenzte. März 2006, Volumen 169. Nr. 2.
Ein Bericht auf Sozialgerechtigkeit und globalem Handel
„Handel kann jeder besser-weg bilden“. Dieses ist die zweite Grundregel der Volkswirtschaft, das darstellen und verwendete, da der Bann durch Freihandel (FTAs) befürwortet um das Konzept von Geschäftsliberalismus zu schieben. Freier Markt, Freihandel, Geschäftsliberalismus und Globalisierung, diese sind die synonymen Bezeichnungen, die verwendet werden, um einen uneingeschränkten zwischenstaatlichen Handel zu bezeichnen. Es entmutigt Regierung Intervention im Markt und fördert Internationalismus unter Nationen. Dieses ist das zeitgenössische Marktsystem, das durch wenige einflußreiche Nationen für den Rest der Welt angeboten wird. Die Förderung des Wachstums und der Entwicklung für jedes Land, das in ihr sich engagiert, ist der Slogan von FTAs.
Der Artikel stellte das Pro und die Cons von globalem Geschäfts- und von seinen Implikationen Menschlichkeit dar. Es stellte auch die Konzepte betreffend sind Gerechtigkeit dar und Billigkeit in Beziehung zu änderungen in der Wirtschaft brachte durch Geschäftsliberalismus hervor. Es fragte den Zweck von Pakten und von internationalen Vereinbarungen in korrekter Darstellung ausgedrückt und die Betrachtung betreffend ist Geschäftsbeschlußfassung. Folglich befürwortete der Autor eine Institutionsänderung.
Im Allgemeinen sucht der Artikel die Aufmerksamkeit von Gesetzgeber und Unterhändler allover die Welt, um auf dem Hauptgrund, warum zurück zu schauen sie in der Position sind - die darzustellen, zu dienen und Wohlfahrt unter den Leuten, in ihrer jeweiligen Nation so zu fördern ist. Der Autor möchte auch die öffentlichkeit vom Reverie von Wellness aufwachen, den Freihandel zu jeder Nation verspricht, welchem in ihm sich engagiert. So regt er die Leute an, bewußt zu sein kritisch, ist, und ist zu den politischen Richtlinien aufmerksam, die die Gesellschaft beeinflussen können. Dennoch muß der Leser einen Hintergrund in den Grundprinzipien der Volkswirtschaft, über das Konzept des Freihandels haben, und betrachtet die Leute während Sozialc$sein, das eine Nation enthält und kann durch jede eingeführte worden Politik folglich beeinflußt werden.
Der Artikel stellte Ausgaben dar, die die unterschiedlichen advocacies von Wirtschaftsliberalismus miteinbeziehen. Dieses schließt Geschäftsliberalismus, Deregulierung und den Schutz des geistigen Eigentums ein. Eine Anzahl von Situationen, in denen Handel eine Auswirkung in der Wirtschaft und in Sozialzustand einer bestimmten Nation hatte, waren auch eingeschlossen. Theorien und der allgemeine Glaube betreffend ist Freihandel wurde gekennzeichnet. Obgleich Sozialtatsachen, wie der Unterschied bezüglich des Tarifniveaus unter Ländern dargestellt wurden, wurde kein konkreter und exakter empirischer Beweis im Artikel enthalten. Er erschloß, wie einige industrialisierte Länder geben Bemühung, Situationen zu indossieren und zu rationalisieren, um für Globalisierung zu drücken vorrückten. Der Autor, der Joseph Stiglitz, auch die wiederholten Effekte des Freihandels zu sich Entwickeln und die entwickelten Nationen und wie diese Nationen in Richtung zum System reagieren.
Leutegesicht Kompromisse (Mankiw, 2004). Dieses erklärt, warum in globalem das Handeln einiges und einige verliert). Das globale Handeln ist nicht ohne Handelsverhandlungen möglich und Vereinbarungen zwischen gewinnen (Krugman, Nation 2000each, die in ihm sich engagiert. Vor kurzem sind diese Geschäftsgipfel der Primärgrund für die Unzufriedenheit der unterschiedlichen betroffenen Parteien. Behauptungen, daß reiche Nationen reicher werden, während schlechte Nationen vermindern, werden durch die Tatsache gestützt, daß sogar mit der Vereinbarung, die Tarif ebnet, unten in übereinstimmung zur Grundregel des Freihandels gesenkt werden muß; es gibt ungleiche Auferlegung der Tarifniveaus (Nyilas, 1976). Tarifniveau der entwickelten Länder' ist viermal stark als die sich entwickelnden Nationen. Entwicklungsländer wurden auch gezwungen, um Beihilfe im Gegensatz zu entwickelten Ländern zu beseitigen' eingeführte Politik, um Produktion Sektor zu stützen hauptsächlich die Landwirtschaft. Zur Verfügung gestellt vom Beispiel von Zustand Mexikos unter Nordamerika Freihandelsvertrag (NAFTA) wo der größte Markt der Welt für sie erschlossen wurde, würde ihr Wachstum schneller gewesen sein, aber die andere Weise geschah. Globalisierung beeinflußt jede Nation anders als. Nur Länder mit Höhe zum vollen Beschäftigungsgrad und eine hochentwickelte Volkswirtschaft können vom System profitieren. Gegeben dem zur Zeit handelndes System worden voreingenommen in Richtung zu entwickelten Ländern. Es wurde herausgefunden, daß jene Länder, die nicht Globalisierungpolitische richtlinien ausübten, mit dem schnellsten Wachstumniveau notiert wurden. Beispiele von diesen waren die Länder in Ostasien (Stiglitz, 2006). Die Vermittlung betreffend ist das Recht am geistigen Eigentum wurde auch angepackt. Wie der Autor hervorhob, unter das façade von Grundregeln von Geschäftsliberalismus ist die einfache Politik des Selbstinteresses. Entwickelte Länder möchte die Weltwirtschaft erschließen, um einen breiteren Markt für Exporte (Stiglitz, 2006) frei zu haben.
So gibt es eine Notwendigkeit, die gegenwärtige handelnde System Politik zu ändern. Es gibt einen Anruf, zum seiner Schrägheit zugunsten der sich entwickelnden Nationen aufzuheben. Wenn es gibt, kann eine änderung in der gegenwärtigen Annäherung auf Handelsverhandlungen mehr die Situation vermindern. Korrekte Darstellungen für jede betroffene Partei können Geschenk verbessern ihre Positionen, Gefühle und Empfehlungen in bezug auf handelnde Angelegenheiten (Stiglitz, 2006). Mit korrekter Darstellung und Beratung kann der Körper mit einer passenderen Entscheidung im System des Handelns oben kommen dargestellt durch das Konzept der Entwicklung. Das Problem Darstellung wurde gekennzeichnet, weil Politiker' Entscheidungen mit Respekt zum Handeln Linderungs waren. Sie werden normalerweise durch Interessengruppen beeinflußt, von denen sie auch kamen von (Nyilas, 1976). Folglich gibt es eine Notwendigkeit, die Qualität, das Transparent und die reale Demokratie in der inländischen politischen Arena zu verbessern. Nichtsdestoweniger werden strukturelle Verbesserungen nie beglaubigt, es sei denn es eine änderung im ideologischen Aspekt der betroffenen Leute gibt. Es sei denn die Denkrichtung für Sozialwohlfahrt und Entwicklung denkt, ist jede Entscheidung, die sie oben kommen, nur auf ihrer Linie des Interesses voreingenommen. Es gibt einen Anruf, zum der Welthandel-Organisation, seiner politischen Richtlinien und seiner Regelungen zu verbessern. Obgleich dieses einer vollkommenen änderung nicht zugunsten der benachteiligten Partei aber garantiert, dieses kann ein Gewicht sein, zum der Balance unter Nationen in Handel ausgedrückt zu verursachen.
In übereinstimmung mit den gekennzeichneten Zwangslagen oben, die Artikelhaltung eine Herausforderung, zum der änderung im System zu verursachen. Es gibt einen zwingenden Anruf, damit die Gesellschaft ihre Rechte gegen opportunistic Ziele schützt.
Unter ökonomischer Rationalisierung ist das dominierendste Grundprinzip für den Druck des Freihandels Politik. Ein Beispiel von diesem ist das Konzept, das hinter den Richtlinien und der Politik eingeführt durch die Welthandel-Organisation (WTO) und andere Handelsabkommen sind in den Unkosten weniger entwickelter Gesellschaften zu gewinnen die Tagesordnung der Imperialisten', und nutzt ihre Verwundbarkeit sowie ihre Betriebsmittel aus (Galbraith, 1975). Dieses Exposé muß von den maßgebenden Politikern betrachtet werden. Sie müssen zu jeder Vereinbarung skeptisch sein, die, sie sich innen weil in ihrer Handlüge die Bedingung ihres Landes engagieren. Ein Beispiel, das vom Autor dargestellt wird, ist die Angelegenheit der Freihandelfürsprecherländer, zum von Tarifen auf allen Produkten bis null unten zu senken (Caves u. Jones, 1985). Es ist zwar ironisch, weil diese entwickelten Länder keine solchen Sachen tun. Diese Politik kann eine Wirtschaft des Entwicklungslandes groß beeinflussen. Transitiv zur Bewegung, Tarife ist zu senken, staatliche Subventionen besonders zum landwirtschaftlichen Sektor zu schneiden, weil dieses Markt-einstellte Preise ändert und dieses gegen das Gesetz des freien Marktes ist. Dieses ist ein anderer Antrag von FTA, das sie selbst ignorierten. Beihilfe zu den Landwirten bilden höhere den möglichen Produktion und Baissepreis. So für diese Länder, eine höhere Produktivität, zu exportieren ist gegeben einfach, besonders für einen niedrigeren Tarif. In diesem Fall verliert Länder, die die Politik des Keintarifs befolgten, Keinbeihilfe vom Handel (Gomez und. Al, 2000).
Das Bestehen von Unterschieden bezüglich der Tarife unter Ländern trotz der internationalen Vereinbarungen, es zu ebnen konnte eine gute Ausgabe sein, zum herauszufinden. Zusammen mit diesem kann die einfache Darstellung des Autors von, wie industrialisierte Länder der Entwicklungsländer' Exportmarkt wurde gehindert, um zu wachsen durch' Produkte besonders mit ihrem subventionierten Produktion Sektor wie Landwirtschaft, ein gutes Argument für Forscher sein, die kleiner in der Bevorzugung sind, damit Freihandel und schwieriges ein Thema für FTAs widerlegt.
Stiglitz stellte auch einige Abweichungen heraus, die in der Politikformulierung und -beschlußfassung im internationalen Niveau impliziert wurden. Als er unterstrich, daß einflußreiche, entwickelte Länder wie die Vereinigten Staaten, Japan, Kanada und EU die Verantwortlichkeit nehmen, übersichten, Studien und andere Tätigkeiten zu leiten, um die Vorteile zu prüfen, die innen durch Freihandel zu den unterschiedlichen Ländern hervorgebracht werden und eine massive internationale Kampagne tun, die für Grundregel-gegründeten Geschäftsliberalismus im Gegensatz zu den politischen Richtlinien drückt, führen sie in ihren eigenen Ländern ein, zeigte er, daß diese Länder unter ihrer wohltätigen Schablone des Seins ein Armut alleviator, beim diese und Entwicklungsländer surreptitiously nutzen weniger entwickelte, um Profit zu erwerben und Energie sich verstecken. Seiend ein Wirtschaftswissenschaftler, nimmt es eine Menge den Mut und kritisches Denken, damit der Autor von der Hauptströmungsidee der Freihandelförderung abweicht. Infolgedessen fördert dieser Artikel weitere Untersuchung und die Kritik betreffend ist die Effekte von Geschäftsliberalismus über Ländern.
Es gibt unterschiedliche ökonomische Modelle, besonders in übereinstimmung mit Entwicklung und Wirtschaftslehre der aussenwirtschaftlichen Beziehungen, die die Versuche, um das Verhältnis des Handels Wachstum aber jedes von denen zu erklären gaben einer Situation, die andere Sachen gehaltene Konstante waren und so das Modell weniger anwendbar im realen Leben bildeten. Eine weitere Studie in diesem Thema wird vorgeschlagen, um zu helfen, Ausgaben im Bereich aufzuklären.
Maßgebende Politiker müssen den Status ihres Landes auch betrachten, bevor sie in einer Verordnung übereinstimmen. Geschäftsliberalismus, nach Ansicht des Autors, kann eine Nation in bezug auf seinen gegenwärtigen Status fördern. Eine hochentwickelte Volkswirtschaft fördert mehr, während eine sich entwickelnde Wirtschaft nicht gut konkurrieren kann, wird folglich schlechter. Dieser kann ein guter Abfahrtpunkt sein, damit Forscher per capita das Verhältnis zwischen dem Stehen jedes Landes zu den Effekten der Globalisierung zur Einkommensverteilung finden. Wenn sie den menschlichen Entwicklung Index, in Politischwirtschaft Paradigma ausgedrückt betrachten, sind das Thema betreffend sind Handel und die Entwicklung auffangen für Studie ein ausgedehntes.
Indem er vorschlug, damit die Lösung die Denkrichtung der Leute ändert, erhielt der Autor die wahrscheinlichste radikale Antwort. Dieses ist, was die Gesellschaft durchmachen muß, um aus dem Kasten heraus zu denken und den Wert von Patriotismus und von Sozialbewußtsein zu verwirklichen. Dieses ist eine Empfehlung für jeden Bürger spezifischer zu den maßgebenden Politikern.
Es gibt unterschiedliche Klassifikationen für Länder. In diesem Bericht werden Länder eingestuft, wie sich entwickelt, sich Entwickeln, und wenige - sich entwickelt. Diese Kategorisierungen basieren auf unterschiedlichen Eigenschaften eines Landes wie per capita Einkommen und menschlichem Entwicklung Index. Im orthodoxen Paradigma basiert Wachstum eines Landes nur in der Zunahme per capita des Einkommens. In diesem Bericht wird das politische Wirtschaftparadigma verwendet, um Wachstum in einem Land zu definieren, das mit dem Einkommensniveau ist; Wachstum auch basiert auf menschlichem Zustand und Zufriedenheit. Der Status jedes Landes ist die Grundlage auf, wie er durch Globalisierung beeinflußt wird. Als besagter früherer, Freihandel bildet ein reiches Land besser weg in den Unkosten der unterentwickelten Nationen. Dieses Konto kann in den unterschiedlichen Perspektiven des Importes und des Exports, sowie angesehen werden in seinem Effekt in der Beschäftigung und in der Industrie. Länder mit Vollbeschäftigung oder nah an Vollbeschäftigungniveau und einer hochentwickelten Volkswirtschaft werden als die entwickelten Länder betrachtet; sind demgegenüber das sich Entwickeln und wenige - entwickelte Länder (Gomez und. Al 2000).
Kern-Peripherie Theorie (CPT)
diese Theorie ist alias das Neocolonial Abhängigkeit-Modell, das heraus von der marxistischen Ideologie strömte. Dieses zeigt das Verhältnis einer Mitte/der leistungsfähigeren Nation zu seinen Kolonien/zu schwächeren Nationen. Der Kern absichtlich oder unconsciously beherrscht, unterdrückt und erschöpft die Betriebsmittel des weniger leistungsfähigen Landes. Manchmal, wenn die Absicht des Kernes ist, der Kolonie zu helfen, beendet es herauf das Verderben des Landes zum Punkt, der das Land ohne die Unterstützung des Kernes nicht mehr stehen könnte. Wer diese Art des Verhältnisses beibehalten, sind jene Leute, die von ihrem Einkommen, von Sozialstatus und von politischen Energie vom System gewinnen, genießen. Nur durch eine Revolution oder durch das Hauptc$umstrukturieren des Kapitalistsystems kann die Kolonien von der Unterdrückung des Kernes (Todaro, 1997) freigeben. Das CPT kann direkt zum anwesenden vorhandenen System verbunden sein, wie durch das Verhältnis der Nordhemisphärenationen, als der „Kern“, zu den meistens afrikanischen und asiatischen Ländern als ihr Verlängerung Markt/Kolonien/Satellit/Peripherie geschildert Länder. Im Namen des freien Marktes drücken diese leistungsfähigen Nationen für steuerfreie Märkte sowie kein-zu Beihilfepolitik, also können sie einen Markt für ihre überschüssigen Produkte haben und mehr Profit erwerben. In einer steuerfreien Wirtschaft kann die „Peripherie“ einige von ihren landwirtschaftlichen/von Rohprodukten frei exportieren, die die Hauptquelle der preiswerten Rohstoffe für die industrialisierte und Herstellung Wirtschaft des „Kernes“ sind (Galbraith, 1975). Wie ironisch es scheinen kann aber, der „Kern“ in der Wirklichkeit folgt nicht der Politik, um Beihilfe besonders zu seinen Landwirten (Stiglitz, 2006) zu verlassen. So kann der Kern mehr zu einem preiswerteren Preis produzieren. Mit höherer Produktivität kann der Kern Produkte (Agrarerzeugnisse) jetzt exportieren die zu Entwicklungsländern' Exportmarkt wie Mais, Reis, etc. wesentlich sind. Da der Kern diese Waren jetzt exportieren kann, folgt er, daß sie nicht mehr so importieren müssen. Es gibt jetzt kein Markt für die Peripherie ein kleineres oder ein schlechter. Da die Regierung nicht mehr subventionieren, lassen Sie Sagen der Reissektor, höhere Kosten für Produktion dieses Produktes wird genommen. Der kostspieligere am Ort produzierte Reis kann mit dem preiswerteren importierten Reis nicht mehr konkurrieren. Diese Bedingung entmutigt lokale Landwirte, um das gute zu produzieren. Dieses ist der Anfang der Abhängigkeit der Peripherie zum Kern für Reisproduktion. In der anderen Hand in der Suche nach höherem Profit, kann der Kern zum outsource einige seiner Firmen wählen zur Peripherie wegen der preiswerten Arbeit (Thompson, 1993). Dieses ist der Fall der anwesenden Anrufmittefirmen oder des Geschäft Verarbeitung Outsourcings (BPO). Selbstverständlich kann dieses Jobs, Vertragsjobs zur Verfügung stellen, unter den Bürgern des Satelliten. In anderer Richtung wurden diese Bürger gezwungen, von ihrem üblichen Zeitplan abzuweichen, um auf der Natur ihrer Kunden zu justieren. Obgleich diese Art des Jobs eine gute Einkommensquelle für die Bürger, in der Wohlfahrt der Angestellten ausgedrückt zur Verfügung stellen kann, dieses kann vermindern. Dieses kann die Gesundheit des Arbeiters beschädigen, stört ihren regelmäßigen Zeitplan, stagniert ihr Lernen und Anwendung ihres Nichtgraduiertgrads oder sogar ihres Berufs (im Falle einiger Lehrer, die ein Anrufmittevertreter wurden). Dieses kann Familie Verhältnis auch beeinflussen. Dieses Beispiel gegeben, kann es die Idee stützen, daß Freihandel weniger hochentwickelte Volkswirtschaften verletzen kann. Im Gegensatz zu CPT spricht der gegenwärtige Globalisierungentwurf oder verwendet outrightly die Energie „des Kernes“ aus, Satellitenländer zu zwingen, um Freihandelspolitik durch unterschiedliche Anstalten wie Internationale Währungsfonds(IWF) anzunehmen und einzuführen, Weltbank (WB), WTO und andere Vereinbarungen und Umläufe, das Handelausgaben anpackt.
Neoklassische Gegenrevolution
Dieses ist die Ideologie, die das Konzept von Geschäftsliberalismus - das zeitgenössische System darstellt, das durch entwickelte Länder gefördert wird. Diese Theorie hat drei Annäherungen: Freimarkt, allgemeine Wahl und das Markt-freundliche. Der Freimarkt unterstützt die Idee, daß Markt alleine folglich keine Regierung Intervention im Markt wird gefördert leistungsfähig ist. Neoclassicists uphold their advocacies through obtaining control over the world’s major institutions such as the World Bank (WB), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and in the United Nation Development Program (UNDP). The above mentioned countries plus other influential countries – members of the Group of 8 (G8), greatly dominates the world trading system. They lead the formulation of international trade agreements as well as presenting rules and policies for referendum for countries. These trade agreements and the hocus-focus underlying in the pacts is the main issue of this article. According to Stiglitz trade agreements are dominated, manipulated and biased to the interest of developed countries, worst, for few interest groups alone.
Specific Factors Model (SFM)
This model presents how differences in countries’ resources can cause international trade. Income distribution is strongly affected by international trade as shown by this model. Thus this model can help explain why countries need to negotiate and that is because no single territory contains all the resources needed for diversified production. SFM suggest that factors specific to exports gain from trade while import-competing sectors lose (Krugman, 2000). On the other hand, labor sector may either gain or lose. This model can visibly position the context in the article. Since, most economist believe that trade can benefit more than without it, conceptually, those who benefit can compensate those who lose. But this is not the real case. That is the reason behind the discontent of the losers. Social inequality arise when some people or country gain in the expense of others up to the point of exploitation and deception.
Under trade liberalism, gains from trade can only be achieved by developed nation or those countries with mature economy (Thompson, 1993). The definition of what a mature economy can be based on Rostow’s stages of economic growth. On one hand, when a country is developing it can be classified under the second stage which is the precondition for take-off. It is where improvement in transportation, agriculture, and expansion of imports occur. Thus, the economy is not yet ripe. On the other hand, when the economy is mature it can be considered under the last stage of the model which is the age of mass consumption where the society can choose to become a welfare state or an international military power. It is characterized by a strong, competitive economy, usually under full employment level (Todaro, 1997). In this situation, an economy with full employment level will not be much affected by trade liberalization. The laborers in sector which is affected by strong importation can easily find job and transfer to other sectors which gain more in trade. Unlike in developing nations, laborers which are affected by trade are threatened to lose their job, thus adding to the unemployment rate in the country (Krugman, 2000). High unemployment rate means higher poverty index.
Global trade can cause an unbalanced growth in the economy of the country which engages in it. When a country will specialize in a field where it has a comparative advantage for trade, it would likely lead to a focused development in that specific area which can leave behind other uncompetitive sectors (Krugman, 2000).
The author’s suggestion to reform the mindset of the people as an important part to change the system is supported by Simon Kuznetz’s six features of modern economic growth. In the part of the developing country, they have to change the way they decide towards a policy to, this time, consider it and improve it to be biased on the developing country. If advanced countries really have the will to help the developing country to pursue for development and industrialization, there must be a sacrifice on their part.
The article is short yet it opened up a number of issues and a wide field for discussion. The author has a broad overview regarding the concept of free trade. He critically applied the principles of equitable and efficient global resource allocation among societies. This means that being an economist, he does not only conform to the conventional belief of economics that liberalized trade can benefit more to people. He does not consider efficiency only for capital and land owners but to everyone who is and can be affected by policies implemented. Economics, being a discipline under social science, must consider the welfare of the society (Gomez, et. al., 2000). And that consideration is prioritized by the author in the article. He also embarked upon the different subdivision of the subject. He regarded the international interaction of countries as well as the governing politics in each negotiation. He included his observation on how decisions were made and he discussed about the discrepancies in the institution which facilitates the global interaction of trade.
The article presented issues from a general perspective of development inequality brought about by trade liberalization down to the politics involved in intellectual property rights discussion. The flow of the article leads the reader to see trade liberalism as a deep issue which is not only limited to import and export exchange among countries.
The author was audacious to present ideas usually considered as an open secret- an obvious fact but is constantly denied or kept unnoticed. He identified reasons how and why trade liberalism creates inequality to nations. When the author said that there is something wrong with the world trading system he subsequently offered facts and theories to prove his stand. It is quite good that he gave pragmatic examples but he fall short to show precise data to further defend his allegations and arguments. For instance, he said that trade negotiations left poor countries worse off when they were forced to cut subsidies and bring down tariff level by the advanced industrialized countries. It would be better if he showed an excerpt from the round of trade negotiation which defined the policy and the agreement among the countries. Better if he showed cardinal values which will illustrate the level of tariff in each country. It will help the reader formulate and reason out why or what are other reasons behind the unequal imposition of tariff levels.
There was a shortcoming in the part of the author to give a clear and concise definition of the terms used such as free trade. The author failed to give theories and arguments which define the concept of free trade. It would be better if he presented first the concept of free trade – its pros and cons before bombarding his arguments. If the reader can clearly grasp the author’s perception of free trade it would then be smooth to judge the point of view presented.
There have been no characterizations of what the picture of a developed or a developing country is. Given that the author mentioned that globalization affect each countries based on their nature, he refused to associate the nature of a country on how it can decide to a policy. Yes he mentioned about the abuse of power but not on how these power are asserted to control the votes of each representative systematically; that is aside from his given point of political and self interests.
The kind of development paradigm as the basis for growth measurement was not clearly identified. It is important to be defined especially when talking about growth or failure as a result of globalization. Failure to do so can cause doubt on the conclusion of the article.
It was good when the author suggested the need to change the mindset of negotiators in the way that trading decisions are made as well as encourage each country to promote efficiency, fairness, and development but he should have reflected twice. As Adam Smith recognized the concept of self-interest or utility, it is inevitable to consider that each country will view fairness, efficiency, and development in their own perspective (Pen, 1967). Thus, the change in mindset will follow after the change in system because the way of thinking is developed by the system. Thus the author must suggest alternatives on how the ideology towards global equity will be developed.
The article appeared to be comprehensive for economics majors but no so for other social science apprentice whose background in trade liberalism is a nuance.
According to Newton, in every action there is a reaction. That is the reason why controversies and issues pop out. It is certain that different social science disciplines are interdependent in terms of decision making. In the article, the author pointed out the need to reform institutionally and ideologically based on the concept of democracy and transparency. Nevertheless, he lacked in clarifying how can the change be possible, where to begin, and failed to paint a concise picture on how this reform can be achieved.
The author provided a good flow of how social justice can be asserted amidst global trading system. It is good when he emphasized that institutional change would not be possible unless there is ideological change. This can be better if he presented ways on how can this change be realized. To challenge the system will require a lot of effort and perseverance.
The issues regarding the intellectual property rights open a wide horizon for research with regard to its context and further implication in the society. What was raised in the article was the way which the right to intellectual property can pave for monopoly. The author is implying that global trade is controlled not only by advanced nations, more so by few international business elites. This shows how politics can gravely affect international relations.
If a further study will be conducted regarding the advocacies of trade, it can contribute to the analysis on the social implication of global trade. Hence, allegations on free trade as a form of global exploitation for the benefit of the few can be further restructured.
In the case of these gigantic multinational corporations, in their game in the global trade, it was emphasized that they want to gain the highest profit with less cost. Yet they had too much of it when we refer to it financially (Pen. 1967). Is it really all about profit? Can the concept of gigantism be applied in the situation? This concept of gigantism refers to the goal of corporations to expand and earn global control and power. This concept does not consider profit as the main objective for expansion but expansion itself (Pen, 1967).
The article left inquiries which can be a good parting point for research. Some of these are: Does the advanced industrialized country really aim to advance global social welfare through the promotion of free trade or is it still part of their agenda to gain power over humanity? Does trade liberalism imply the existence of neo-imperialism? It was also suggested by the author that there must be changes in the mindset in order to create change in the society but how can be the biased mindset alter the system if it is rooted from the concept of liberalism? In addition, there is a need to define what is a just and efficient trading in relation to the community it affects.
Despite of the international promotion for free trade, issues such as social justice and equity cannot be ignored. As economics majors always say, there is always a tradeoff between efficiency and equity. But what is really the measurement for efficiency and what is for equity? How important is the society in terms of growth and development? These questions may seem to have an obvious answer long time before, yet until the present its application to society seems bleak.
Bibliography
Caves, R., & Jones, R. (1985). World Trade and Payments: An Introduction. Toronto: Little, Brown and Company.
Galbraith, J.K. (1975). Economics and the Public Purpose. United States of America: Houghton Mifflin Company.
Gomez, D., et. al. (2000). Reforming Social Policy: Changing Perspectives on Sustainable Human Development. Canada: International Development Research Centre.
Krugman, P. & Obstfeld, M. (2000). International Economics (5th edition). United States of America: Addison-Wesley Reading.
Mankiw, N.G. (2004). Principles of Economics (3rd edition). United States of America: Thomson Learning.
Nyilas, J. (1976). Integration in the World Economy East-West and Inter-State Relations. Hungary: Akademia Kiado.
Pen, J. (1967). A Primer on International Trade. New York: Random House.
Thompson, H. (1993). International Economics: A Microeconomic Approach. Toronto: Longman Publishing Group.
Todaro, M. (1997). Economic Development. United States of America: Addison-Wesley Reading.
2006-69621
no globalization
Automatically translated into Portuguese thanks to WorldLingo
Stilglitz, Joseph. Justiça social e comércio global. Revisão econômica FarEastern: Revisão Publishing Companhia limitada. Março 2006, volume 169. Número 2.
Uma revisão na justiça social e no comércio global
“comércio pode fazer todos melhor-fora”. Este é o segundo princípio da economia que embody e usou-se porque o período pelo comércio livre advoga (FTAs) para shove o conceito do liberalism de comércio. O mercado livre, o comércio livre, o liberalism de comércio, e o globalization, estes são termos synonymous usados denotar um comércio internacional irrestrito. Desanima a intervenção do governo no mercado e promove o internationalism entre nações. Este é o sistema contemporary do mercado oferecido por poucas nações influential para o descanso do mundo. O promotion do crescimento e do desenvolvimento para cada país que acoplará nele é o slogan de FTAs.
O artigo apresentou os pros e os cons de de comércio global e de suas implicações ao humanity. Apresentou também os conceitos a respeito da justiça e a equidade com relação às mudanças na economia causou pelo liberalism de comércio. Questionou a finalidade dos pacts e de acordos internacionais nos termos da respresentação apropriada e a consideração a respeito da tomada de decisão de comércio. Daqui, o autor advogou uma mudança institutional.
Bàsicamente, o artigo procura a atenção do allover dos legislators e dos negotiators o mundo olhar para trás na razão principal porque estão na posição que são representar, servir, e promover mais assim o bem-estar entre os povos, em sua nação respectiva. O autor gostaria também de acordar o público da fantasia do wellness que o comércio livre promete a cada nação a qual acopla nele. Assim, incentiva os povos estar cientes, seja crítico, e seja vigilant às políticas que podem afetar a sociedade. Não obstante, o leitor deve ter um fundo nos princípios básicos da economia, sobre o conceito do comércio livre, e considera os povos enquanto ser social que compreende uma nação e assim pode ser afetado por cada política executada.
O artigo apresentou as edições que envolvem os advocacies diferentes do liberalism econômico. Isto inclui o liberalism de comércio, o deregulation, e a proteção da propriedade intelectual. Um número de situações onde o comércio teve um impacto na economia e na condição social de uma determinada nação foram incluídas também. As teorias e a opinião comum a respeito do comércio livre foram identificadas. Embora os fatos sociais, tais como a diferença no nível da tarifa entre países fossem apresentados, nenhuma evidência empírica concreta e precisa foi incorporada no artigo. Abriu acima de como alguns avançaram países industrialized dão o esforço endossar e rationalize situações para empurrar para o globalization. O autor, o Joseph Stiglitz, os efeitos também iterados do comércio livre a tornar-se e as nações desenvolvidas e como estas nações reagem para o sistema.
Tradeoffs da cara dos povos (Mankiw, 2004). Isto explica porque em global negociar algum perderá e alguns). Negociar global não será possível sem negociações de comércio e os acordos no meio ganharão (Krugman, a nação 2000each que acoplará nele. Recentemente, estes summits de comércio são a razão preliminar para o descontentamento dos partidos diferentes envolvidos. Os Allegations que as nações ricas se tornam mais ricas quando as nações pobres degradarem são suportados pelo fato que mesmo com o acordo que a tarifa nivela deve ser abaixado para baixo do acordo ao princípio do comércio livre; há um imposition desigual de níveis da tarifa (Nyilas, 1976). O nível da tarifa dos países desenvolvidos' é quatro vezes mais altamente do que as nações tornando-se. Os países tornando-se foram forçados também para eliminar subsídios no contraste políticas executadas aos países desenvolvidos' para suportar o setor da produção primeiramente a agricultura. Fornecido pelo exemplo da condição de México sob o acordo de comércio livre do norte de América (NAFTA) onde o mercado o maior do mundo foi aberto acima para eles, seu crescimento seria mais rápido mas a outra maneira aconteceu. O Globalization afeta cada nação diferentemente. Somente os países com elevação ao nível de emprego cheio e de uma economia madura podem beneficiar-se do sistema. É dado a isso, no presente, o sistema negociando inclinado para países desenvolvidos. Encontrou-se para fora que aqueles países que não perseguiram políticas do globalization estiveram gravados com o nível o mais rápido do crescimento. Os exemplos destes eram os países em Ásia do leste (Stiglitz, 2006). A negociação a respeito da direita de propriedade intelectual tackled também. Como o autor emfatizou, debaixo do façade dos princípios do liberalism de comércio é a política simples do interesse de self. Os países desenvolvidos querem abrir acima da economia de mundo livremente para ter um mercado mais largo para exportações (Stiglitz, 2006).
Assim há uma necessidade mudar as políticas negociando atuais do sistema. Há uma chamada para inverter seu skewness no favor das nações tornando-se. Se houver uma mudança na aproximação atual nas negociações de comércio pode aliviar mais a situação. As respresentações apropriadas para cada partido envolvido podem melhorar o presente seus posições, sentiments, e recomendações com consideração aos propositions negociando (Stiglitz, 2006). Com respresentação e consultation apropriados, o corpo pode vir acima com uma decisão mais apropriada no sistema de negociar embodied pelo conceito do desenvolvimento. O problema da respresentação foi identificado porque as decisões dos políticos' eram paliativas com consideração a negociar. São influenciados geralmente pelos grupos de interesse especial de que vieram também (Nyilas, 1976). Conseqüentemente há uma necessidade melhorar a qualidade, a transparência, e a democracia real na arena política doméstica. Nonetheless, as reformas estruturais nunca authenticated a menos que houver uma mudança no aspecto ideological dos povos envolvidos. A menos que o mindset pensar para o bem-estar social e o desenvolvimento, cada decisão que vêm acima será somente inclinada em sua linha do interesse. Há uma chamada para reformar a organização de comércio de mundo, suas políticas, e seus regulamentos. Embora isto não garanta uma mudança perfeita para o benefício do partido aggrieved mas este pode estar a um peso para criar o contrapeso entre nações nos termos de comércio.
Na linha dos predicaments identificados acima, o pose do artigo um desafio para criar a mudança no sistema. Há uma chamada imperativa para que a sociedade proteja suas direitas de encontro aos alvos opportunistic.
Entre o rationalization econômico, o rationale o mais dominante para empurrar o comércio livre é política. Um exemplo deste é o conceito que atrás das réguas e das políticas executadas pela organização de comércio de mundo (WTO) e outros acordos negociando são agenda dos imperialists' a ganhar na despesa de sociedades menos desenvolvidas, fazendo exame vantagem de seus vulnerabilities as well as seus recursos (Galbraith, 1975). Este exposé deve ser considerado por fabricantes de política. Têm que ser skeptical a cada acordo que acoplam dentro porque em sua mentira das mãos a estipulação de seu país. Um exemplo apresentado pelo autor é o proposition dos países do advogado do comércio livre para abaixar para baixo tarifas em todos os produtos a zero (Caverna & Jones, 1985). É ironic though, porque estes países desenvolvidos não fazem nenhuma tal coisa. Esta política pode extremamente afetar uma economia de país tornando-se. Transitive ao movimento abaixar tarifas é cortar especialmente subsídios de governo ao setor agricultural porque este mudará mercado-ajustou preços e este está de encontro à lei do mercado livre. Esta é uma outra proposta de FTA que eles mesmos ignoraram. Os subsídios aos fazendeiros fazem o preço de uma produção mais elevada e de mercado mais baixo possível. Assim para estes países, dado uma produtividade mais elevada, é fácil exportar especialmente para uma tarifa mais baixa. Neste caso, os países que obedeceram a política da nenhum-tarifa, nenhum-subsídio perdem do comércio (Gomez, et. al., 2000).
A existência das diferenças nas tarifas entre países apesar dos acordos internacionais nivelá-lo pôde ser uma edição boa a encontrar para fora. Junto com isto, a apresentação simples do autor de como produtos pelos países industrialized dos países se tornando' o mercado de exportação hindered para crescer especialmente' com seu setor subsidized da produção tal como a agricultura pode ser um argumento bom para os investigadores que estão menos no favor para que o comércio livre e um tópico challenging rebut para FTAs.
Stiglitz expôs também algumas anomalias implicadas na formulação e na tomada de decisão da política no nível internacional. Quando indicou que os países influential, desenvolvidos tais como os Estados Unidos, Japão, Canadá, e o EU estão fazendo exame da responsabilidade conduzir exames, estudos, e outras atividades para provar as vantagens causadas pelo comércio livre dentro aos países diferentes e estão fazendo uma campanha internacional maciça que empurra para o liberalism de comércio princípio-baseado no contraste para as políticas estão executando em seus próprios países, mostrou que estes países escondem sob sua máscara benevolent de ser um alleviator da pobreza ao surreptitiously fazer exame da vantagem destes países menos desenvolvidos e se tornando para ganhar o lucro, e poder. Sendo um economista, fará exame de muitos da coragem e de pensar crítico para que o autor deviate da idéia mainstream do promotion de comércio livre. Conseqüentemente, este artigo promoverá uma investigação e uma crítica mais adicionais a respeito dos efeitos do liberalism de comércio através dos países.
Há uns modelos econômicos diferentes, especialmente na linha do desenvolvimento e da economia internacional que as tentativas para explicar o relacionamento do comércio ao crescimento mas cada um daqueles deram a uma situação que outras coisas fossem constante prendida, assim fazendo o modelo mais menos aplicável na vida real. Um estudo mais adicional neste tópico é sugerido para ajudar elucidate edições na área.
Os Policy-makers devem também considerar o status de seu país antes de concurring em um decree. O liberalism de comércio, de acordo com o autor, pode beneficiar uma nação com consideração a seu status atual. Uma economia madura beneficia mais quando uma economia se tornando não puder competir bem, daqui torna-se mais pobre. Este pode ser um ponto bom da partida para que os investigadores encontrem o relacionamento entre per capita estar de cada país aos efeitos do globalization à distribuição de renda. Em considerar o índice humano do desenvolvimento, nos termos do paradigm da político-economia, o tópico a respeito do comércio e o desenvolvimento serão um campo largo para o estudo.
Sugerindo para que a solução mude o mindset dos povos o autor começou a resposta radical a mais provável. Este é o que a sociedade deve se submeter a fim pensar fora da caixa e realizar a importância do patriotism e do consciousness social. Esta é uma recomendação para cada cidadão mais especificamente aos policy-makers.
Há umas classificações diferentes para países. Nesta revisão os países serão classificados como tornados, tornar-se, e menos - tornado. Estes categorizations são baseados em características diferentes de um país tais como per capita a renda e o índice humano do desenvolvimento. No paradigm orthodox, o crescimento de um país será baseado somente no aumento per capita da renda. Nesta revisão, o paradigm político da economia será usado definir o crescimento em um país, que seja com o nível de renda; o crescimento será baseado também na condição e na satisfação humanas. O status de cada país será a base em como será afetado pelo globalization. Como o comércio mais adiantado, livre dito faz um país rico melhor fora na despesa de nações underdeveloped. Este cliente pode ser visto em perspectives diferentes da importação e da exportação assim como em seu efeito no emprego e na indústria. Os países com emprego cheio ou perto do nível do emprego cheio e de uma economia madura são considerados como os países desenvolvidos; no contraste estão tornar-se e menos - países desenvolvidos (Gomez, et. al. 2000).
A teoria da Núcleo-Periferia (CPT)
esta teoria é sabida também como o modelo neocolonial da dependência que fluiu para fora do ideology Marxist. Isto mostra o relacionamento de um centro/de uma nação mais poderosa a suas colônias/nações mais fracas. O núcleo intencionalmente ou unconsciously domina, oppresses, e esgota os recursos do país mais menos poderoso. Às vezes se a intenção do núcleo for ajudar à colônia, termina acima de spoiling o país ao ponto que o país poderia já não estar sem o auxílio do núcleo. Quem mantêm este tipo do relacionamento são aqueles povos que ganham, aprecíam de seus renda, status social, e poder político do sistema. Somente com uma volta ou com restructuring principal do sistema do capitalista pode livrar as colônias do oppression do núcleo (Todaro, 1997). O CPT pode ser associado diretamente ao sistema existente atual como portrayed pelo relacionamento das nações do norte do hemisfério, como o “núcleo”, aos países na maior parte africanos e Asian como seus mercado da extensão/colônias/países do satélite/periferia. No nome do mercado livre, estas nações poderosas empurram para mercados tariff-free as well as nenhum-à política do subsídio assim que podem ter um mercado para seus produtos em excesso e ganhar mais lucro. Em uma economia tariff-free, a “periferia” pode livremente exportar alguns seus produtos agriculturais/crus que são a fonte principal de materiais crus baratos para a economia industrialized e do manufacturing do “núcleo” (Galbraith, 1975). Como ironic pode parecer mas o “núcleo” na realidade não segue a política para abandonar especialmente o subsídio a seus fazendeiros (Stiglitz, 2006). Assim o núcleo pode produzir mais em um preço mais barato. Com produtividade mais elevada, o núcleo pode agora exportar os produtos (produtos agriculturais) que são essenciais mercado de exportação aos países se tornando' tal como o milho, o arroz, etc. Desde que o núcleo pode agora exportar estes bens, segue que já não necessitam importar tais. Haverá agora um menor ou mais mau nenhum mercado para a periferia. Desde que o governo já não subsidize, deixe a palavra o setor de arroz, um custo mais elevado para a produção deste produto é incorrido. O arroz localmente produzido mais caro pode já não competir com o arroz importado mais barato. Esta circunstância desanimará fazendeiros locais para produzir o bom. Este é o começo da dependência da periferia ao núcleo para a produção do arroz. Na outra mão, na busca para um lucro mais elevado, o núcleo pode escolher ao outsource algumas de suas companhias à periferia por causa do trabalho barato (Thompson, 1993). Este é o exemplo das companhias atuais do centro da chamada ou do Outsourcing processar de negócio (BPO). Naturalmente isto pode fornecer os trabalhos, trabalhos contractual, entre os cidadãos do satélite. No outro sentido, estes cidadãos foram forçados a deviate de sua programação de tempo usual para ajustar na natureza de seus clientes. Embora este tipo do trabalho possa fornecer uma fonte de renda boa para os cidadãos, nos termos do bem-estar dos empregados, este pode degradar. Isto pode danificar a saúde do trabalhador, perturba sua programação de tempo regular, stagnate suas aprendizagem e aplicação de seu grau do undergraduate ou mesmo de sua profissão (no exemplo de alguns professores que se transformaram um agente do centro da chamada). Isto pode também afetar o relacionamento da família. Dado este exemplo, pode suportar a idéia que o comércio livre pode ferir economias mais menos maduras. No contraste a CPT, o esquema atual do globalization enunciates ou usa outrightly o poder do “núcleo” forçar países satellite para aceitar e executar políticas de comércio livres através das instituições diferentes tais como o fundo Monetary internacional (IMF), o banco de mundo (WB), o WTO, e os outros acordos e círculos que tackles edições do comércio internacional.
Volta contrária Neoclassical
Este é o ideology que embodies o conceito do Liberalism de comércio - o sistema contemporary promovido por países desenvolvidos. Esta teoria tem três aproximações: livre-mercado, escolha pública, e o mercado-amigável. O livre-mercado upholds a idéia que o mercado sozinho é eficiente nenhuma intervenção do governo no mercado está promovido assim. Neoclassicists uphold their advocacies through obtaining control over the world’s major institutions such as the World Bank (WB), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and in the United Nation Development Program (UNDP). The above mentioned countries plus other influential countries – members of the Group of 8 (G8), greatly dominates the world trading system. They lead the formulation of international trade agreements as well as presenting rules and policies for referendum for countries. These trade agreements and the hocus-focus underlying in the pacts is the main issue of this article. According to Stiglitz trade agreements are dominated, manipulated and biased to the interest of developed countries, worst, for few interest groups alone.
Specific Factors Model (SFM)
This model presents how differences in countries’ resources can cause international trade. Income distribution is strongly affected by international trade as shown by this model. Thus this model can help explain why countries need to negotiate and that is because no single territory contains all the resources needed for diversified production. SFM suggest that factors specific to exports gain from trade while import-competing sectors lose (Krugman, 2000). On the other hand, labor sector may either gain or lose. This model can visibly position the context in the article. Since, most economist believe that trade can benefit more than without it, conceptually, those who benefit can compensate those who lose. But this is not the real case. That is the reason behind the discontent of the losers. Social inequality arise when some people or country gain in the expense of others up to the point of exploitation and deception.
Under trade liberalism, gains from trade can only be achieved by developed nation or those countries with mature economy (Thompson, 1993). The definition of what a mature economy can be based on Rostow’s stages of economic growth. On one hand, when a country is developing it can be classified under the second stage which is the precondition for take-off. It is where improvement in transportation, agriculture, and expansion of imports occur. Thus, the economy is not yet ripe. On the other hand, when the economy is mature it can be considered under the last stage of the model which is the age of mass consumption where the society can choose to become a welfare state or an international military power. It is characterized by a strong, competitive economy, usually under full employment level (Todaro, 1997). In this situation, an economy with full employment level will not be much affected by trade liberalization. The laborers in sector which is affected by strong importation can easily find job and transfer to other sectors which gain more in trade. Unlike in developing nations, laborers which are affected by trade are threatened to lose their job, thus adding to the unemployment rate in the country (Krugman, 2000). High unemployment rate means higher poverty index.
Global trade can cause an unbalanced growth in the economy of the country which engages in it. When a country will specialize in a field where it has a comparative advantage for trade, it would likely lead to a focused development in that specific area which can leave behind other uncompetitive sectors (Krugman, 2000).
The author’s suggestion to reform the mindset of the people as an important part to change the system is supported by Simon Kuznetz’s six features of modern economic growth. In the part of the developing country, they have to change the way they decide towards a policy to, this time, consider it and improve it to be biased on the developing country. If advanced countries really have the will to help the developing country to pursue for development and industrialization, there must be a sacrifice on their part.
The article is short yet it opened up a number of issues and a wide field for discussion. The author has a broad overview regarding the concept of free trade. He critically applied the principles of equitable and efficient global resource allocation among societies. This means that being an economist, he does not only conform to the conventional belief of economics that liberalized trade can benefit more to people. He does not consider efficiency only for capital and land owners but to everyone who is and can be affected by policies implemented. Economics, being a discipline under social science, must consider the welfare of the society (Gomez, et. al., 2000). And that consideration is prioritized by the author in the article. He also embarked upon the different subdivision of the subject. He regarded the international interaction of countries as well as the governing politics in each negotiation. He included his observation on how decisions were made and he discussed about the discrepancies in the institution which facilitates the global interaction of trade.
The article presented issues from a general perspective of development inequality brought about by trade liberalization down to the politics involved in intellectual property rights discussion. The flow of the article leads the reader to see trade liberalism as a deep issue which is not only limited to import and export exchange among countries.
The author was audacious to present ideas usually considered as an open secret- an obvious fact but is constantly denied or kept unnoticed. He identified reasons how and why trade liberalism creates inequality to nations. When the author said that there is something wrong with the world trading system he subsequently offered facts and theories to prove his stand. It is quite good that he gave pragmatic examples but he fall short to show precise data to further defend his allegations and arguments. For instance, he said that trade negotiations left poor countries worse off when they were forced to cut subsidies and bring down tariff level by the advanced industrialized countries. It would be better if he showed an excerpt from the round of trade negotiation which defined the policy and the agreement among the countries. Better if he showed cardinal values which will illustrate the level of tariff in each country. It will help the reader formulate and reason out why or what are other reasons behind the unequal imposition of tariff levels.
There was a shortcoming in the part of the author to give a clear and concise definition of the terms used such as free trade. The author failed to give theories and arguments which define the concept of free trade. It would be better if he presented first the concept of free trade – its pros and cons before bombarding his arguments. If the reader can clearly grasp the author’s perception of free trade it would then be smooth to judge the point of view presented.
There have been no characterizations of what the picture of a developed or a developing country is. Given that the author mentioned that globalization affect each countries based on their nature, he refused to associate the nature of a country on how it can decide to a policy. Yes he mentioned about the abuse of power but not on how these power are asserted to control the votes of each representative systematically; that is aside from his given point of political and self interests.
The kind of development paradigm as the basis for growth measurement was not clearly identified. It is important to be defined especially when talking about growth or failure as a result of globalization. Failure to do so can cause doubt on the conclusion of the article.
It was good when the author suggested the need to change the mindset of negotiators in the way that trading decisions are made as well as encourage each country to promote efficiency, fairness, and development but he should have reflected twice. As Adam Smith recognized the concept of self-interest or utility, it is inevitable to consider that each country will view fairness, efficiency, and development in their own perspective (Pen, 1967). Thus, the change in mindset will follow after the change in system because the way of thinking is developed by the system. Thus the author must suggest alternatives on how the ideology towards global equity will be developed.
The article appeared to be comprehensive for economics majors but no so for other social science apprentice whose background in trade liberalism is a nuance.
According to Newton, in every action there is a reaction. That is the reason why controversies and issues pop out. It is certain that different social science disciplines are interdependent in terms of decision making. In the article, the author pointed out the need to reform institutionally and ideologically based on the concept of democracy and transparency. Nevertheless, he lacked in clarifying how can the change be possible, where to begin, and failed to paint a concise picture on how this reform can be achieved.
The author provided a good flow of how social justice can be asserted amidst global trading system. It is good when he emphasized that institutional change would not be possible unless there is ideological change. This can be better if he presented ways on how can this change be realized. To challenge the system will require a lot of effort and perseverance.
The issues regarding the intellectual property rights open a wide horizon for research with regard to its context and further implication in the society. What was raised in the article was the way which the right to intellectual property can pave for monopoly. The author is implying that global trade is controlled not only by advanced nations, more so by few international business elites. This shows how politics can gravely affect international relations.
If a further study will be conducted regarding the advocacies of trade, it can contribute to the analysis on the social implication of global trade. Hence, allegations on free trade as a form of global exploitation for the benefit of the few can be further restructured.
In the case of these gigantic multinational corporations, in their game in the global trade, it was emphasized that they want to gain the highest profit with less cost. Yet they had too much of it when we refer to it financially (Pen. 1967). Is it really all about profit? Can the concept of gigantism be applied in the situation? This concept of gigantism refers to the goal of corporations to expand and earn global control and power. This concept does not consider profit as the main objective for expansion but expansion itself (Pen, 1967).
The article left inquiries which can be a good parting point for research. Some of these are: Does the advanced industrialized country really aim to advance global social welfare through the promotion of free trade or is it still part of their agenda to gain power over humanity? Does trade liberalism imply the existence of neo-imperialism? It was also suggested by the author that there must be changes in the mindset in order to create change in the society but how can be the biased mindset alter the system if it is rooted from the concept of liberalism? In addition, there is a need to define what is a just and efficient trading in relation to the community it affects.
Despite of the international promotion for free trade, issues such as social justice and equity cannot be ignored. As economics majors always say, there is always a tradeoff between efficiency and equity. But what is really the measurement for efficiency and what is for equity? How important is the society in terms of growth and development? These questions may seem to have an obvious answer long time before, yet until the present its application to society seems bleak.
Bibliography
Caves, R., & Jones, R. (1985). World Trade and Payments: An Introduction. Toronto: Little, Brown and Company.
Galbraith, J.K. (1975). Economics and the Public Purpose. United States of America: Houghton Mifflin Company.
Gomez, D., et. al. (2000). Reforming Social Policy: Changing Perspectives on Sustainable Human Development. Canada: International Development Research Centre.
Krugman, P. & Obstfeld, M. (2000). International Economics (5th edition). United States of America: Addison-Wesley Reading.
Mankiw, N.G. (2004). Principles of Economics (3rd edition). United States of America: Thomson Learning.
Nyilas, J. (1976). Integration in the World Economy East-West and Inter-State Relations. Hungary: Akademia Kiado.
Pen, J. (1967). A Primer on International Trade. New York: Random House.
Thompson, H. (1993). International Economics: A Microeconomic Approach. Toronto: Longman Publishing Group.
Todaro, M. (1997). Economic Development. United States of America: Addison-Wesley Reading.
2006-69621
på globalisering
Automatically translated into Swedish thanks to WorldLingo
Stilglitz Joseph. Social rättvisa och global handel. FarEastern ekonomiskt granskar: Granska det begränsade publicerande företaget. Mars 2006, volym 169. Numrera 2.
En granska på social rättvisa och global handel
”handel kan göra alla förbättrar-av”. Denna är understödjaprincipen av nationalekonomi, som förkroppsligar, och använde, som passet vid frihandel förespråkar (FTAs) för att knuffa begreppet av handelliberalism. Fritt marknadsföra, frihandel, handelliberalism, och globaliseringen, dessa är synonym benämner van vid betecknar en oinskränkt internationell handel. Det avskräcker regerings- ingripande i marknadsföra och främjar internationalism bland nationer. Denna är samtidan marknadsför systemet som erbjuds av få inflytelserika nationer för vila av världen. Befordran av tillväxt och utveckling för varje land, som ska, kopplar in i det är slogan av FTAs.
Artikeln framlade prosna och lurar av global handel och dess implikationer till mänsklighet. Det framlade också begrepp angående rättvisa och rättvisa i förhållande till ändringar i ekonomin som omkring koms med av handelliberalism. Det ifrågasatte ämna av pakter, och landskampöverenskommelser benämner in av riktigt framställning och övervägande angående handelbeslutsfattande. Hence förespråkade författare en institutionell ändring.
I stort resonerar artikelsökandena uppmärksamheten av lagstiftarear och förhandlareallover världen att se tillbaka på det huvudsakligt varför de är i placera - som är att föreställa, serve och främjar välfärd bland folket, så, i deras respektive nation. Författare skulle också något liknande för att vakna upp allmänheten från reverien av wellnessen som frihandel lovar till varje nation, som kopplar in i den. Således uppmuntrar är är han folket att vara medvetent, kritisk och vaksam till politik som kan påverka samhället. Ändå måste kan avläsaren ha en bakgrund i de grundläggande principerna av nationalekonomi, om begreppet av frihandel och hälsningar folket som samkvämet som det är, som består av en nation, och thus påverkas av varje genomförd politik.
Den framlade artikeln utfärdar som gäller de olika advocaciesna av ekonomisk liberalism. Detta inkluderar handelliberalism, avreglering och skyddet av immateriell rättighet. Ett nummer av lägen, var handel hade en få effekt i ekonomin och samkvämet att villkora av en bestämd nation, var också inklusive. Teorier och troar angående frihandel identifierades vanligt. Inget hårdna och precisera empiriskt bevisar inkorporerades i artikeln, även om sociala fakta, liksom skillnaden i tariffen som var jämn bland länder, framlades. Han öppnade upp hur några avancerade industrialized länder ger försök att signera och rationalisera lägen för att skjuta för globalisering. Författare, Joseph Stiglitz, också iterated verkställer av frihandel till framkallning och framkallade nationer och hur dessa nationer reagerar in mot systemet.
Folket vänder mot tradeoffs (Mankiw, 2004). Detta förklarar varför i global handel ska några förlorar och några). Global handel som ska för att inte vara möjlighet utan handelförhandlingar och överenskommelser mellan ska affärsvinst (Krugman, nationen 2000each, som ska, kopplar in i den. För en tid sedan är dessa handeltoppmöten det primärt resonerar för missnöjet av involverade olika partier. Beskyllningar, att rika nationer blir fattiga nationer för rikare stunder, degraderar stöttas av faktumet som även med överenskommelsen, att tariffen jämnar måste fällas ned besegrar i överensstämmande till principen av frihandel; det finns den olika belastningen av tariffen jämnar (Nyilas, 1976). Den jämna tariffen för framkallade länder' är fyra tider higher än de framkallande nationerna. Ett u-land tvingades också för att avlägsna subventioner i kontrast genomförd politik till för framkallade länder' för att stötta produktionsektoren i första hand jordbruk. Förutsatt att av exemplet av Mexico villkora under nordlig Amerika frihandelsavtal (NAFTA) var de störst marknadsför av världen öppnades upp för dem, deras skulle tillväxt har varit snabbare men annat händde långt. Globaliseringen påverkar varje nation olikt. Endast länder med kicken som mycket ska jämnas av anställning och en mognaekonomi, kan gynna från systemet. Givet att, i dagsläget, att handla systemet är tendentiöst in mot framkallade länder. Det fanns ut att de länder, som inte förfölde globaliseringpolitik antecknades med den jämna snabbaste tillväxten. Exempel av dessa var länderna i östliga Asien (Stiglitz, 2006). Förhandlingen angående immateriell rättigheträtten tacklades också. Som författare betonade, under fasaden av principer av handelliberalism är den enkla politiken av själven intresserar. Framkallade länder önskar att öppna upp världsekonomin fritt för att ha ett mer bred att marknadsföra för exporter (Stiglitz, 2006).
Således finns det ett behov att ändra politiken för strömhandelsystemet. Det finns en appell som vänder om dess skewness i favör av de framkallande nationerna. Att närma sig på handelförhandlingar kan lätta mer läget, bör det finns en ändring i strömmen. Riktig kritiska anmärkningar för varje gåva deras för involverad can för parti bättre placerar, känslor och rekommendationer med hänseenden till handelpropositioner (Stiglitz, 2006). Med den riktig framställningen och konsultation kan förkroppsliga komma upp med mer ett anslåbeslut i systemet av handeln som förkroppsligas av begreppet av utveckling. Problemet av framställningen identifierades, därför att politikar beslut var palliative med hänseenden till handeln. De påverkas vanligt av specialintressegrupper som de kom från också från (Nyilas, 1976). Därför finns det ett behov att förbättra det kvalitets-, stordian och den verkliga demokratin i den inhemska politiska arenaen. Icke desto mindre ska strukturella reformer legitimeras aldrig, om inte det finns en ändring i den ideologiska aspekten av det involverade folket. Var tendentiös på deras fodrar av intresserar, om inte den mindset ska funderare för socialvård och utveckling, varje beslut dem kommer upp ska endast. Det finns en appell till reform världshandelorganisationen, dess politik och dess reglemente. Balansera bland nationer benämner in av handel, även om denna ska inte garanti en göra perfektändring för gynna av det aggrieved partit men denna kan vara en väga som ska skapas.
I överensstämmelse med de identifierade predikamenten över, poserar artikeln en utmaning för att skapa ändring i systemet. Det finns en imperativappell för samhället som skyddar deras rätter mot opportunistic syften.
Amidst ekonomisk rationalisering är den mest framträdande logisk grund för driftig frihandel politik. Ett exempel av detta är begreppet, som bak härskar, och politik som genomföras av världen, handlar organisationen (WTO), och andra handelöverenskommelser är dagordningen för imperialistsna' som ska nås i uppta som omkostnad av mindre framkallade samhällen som tar fördel deras sårbarhetar as well as deras resurser (Galbraith, 1975). Denna exposé måste vara ansedd vid politiktillverkare. De måste att vara skeptical till varje överenskommelse som de kopplar in in, därför att i deras räcker lien stipulationen av deras land. Ett exempel som framläggas av författare, är propositionen av frihandelförkämpeländer att fälla ned tariffar på alla produkter besegrar till nolla (Grotta & Jones, 1985). Det är ironiskt though, därför att dessa framkallade länder gör ingen sådan saker. Denna politik kan väldeliga påverka en ett u-land ekonomi. Transitive till flyttningen är att fälla ned tariffar att klippa statsanslag speciellt till jordbrukssektorn, därför att detta ska ändring som marknadsföra-uppsättningen prissätter, och denna är mot lagen av fritt marknadsför. Detta är ett annat förslag av FTA som de sig själv ignorerade. Subventioner till bönder gör högre produktion och fäller ned marknadsprismöjlighet. Således för dessa länder, givet en högre produktivitet, är det lätt att exportera speciellt för en lägre tariff. I detta fall ingen-tullbelägger länder, som lydde politiken av, ingen-subventionen förlorar från handel (Gomez, et. al. 2000).
Existensen av skillnader i tariffar bland överenskommelser för landsillviljalandskamp att jämna det kan är en goda utfärdar för att finna ut. Tillsammans med detta författare hindered enkla presentation av, hur ett u-land export marknadsför, för att växa produkter av för industrialized länder' speciellt med deras subventionerade produktionsektor liksom jordbruk kan vara ett bra argument för forskare som är mindre i favören för att frihandel och ett utmana ämne ska rebut för FTAs.
Utsatta Stiglitz också några anomalier som blandas in i politikutformning och beslutsfattande i den jämna landskampen. Då han pekade ut det inflytelserikt, framkallade länder liksom Förenta staterna, Japan, Kanada, och EG tar ansvaret att föra granskningar, studier och andra aktiviteter för att bevisa fördelarna som omkring in kommas med av frihandel till olika länder och gör en massiv landskampaktion som är driftig för princip-baserad handelliberalism i kontrast till politiken som de genomför i deras egna länder, visade driver han, att dessa länder döljer under deras välvilligt maskerar av att vara armodalleviatorstunder som förstulet tar fördel av dessa mindre framkallat och ett u-land för att tjäna vinst och. Vara en ekonom, ska det taken en raddakurage och ett kritiskt tänkande för att författare ska avvika från den konventionella idén av frihandelbefordran. Därför främjar ger kritik denna ska artikel mer ytterligare utredning och angående verkställer av handelliberalism över länder.
Det finns olikt ekonomiskt modellerar, speciellt i överensstämmelse med utvecklings- och landskampnationalekonomi som försök att förklara förhållandet av handel till tillväxt men varje av de gav ett läge, som annan saker var den rymda konstanten, således danande modellera som mindre var tillämpbar i verkliga livet. En mer ytterligare studie i detta ämne föreslås för att hjälpa att belysa utfärdar i området.
Policy-makers måste också betrakta statusen av deras land, innan de sammanfaller i ett dekret. Handla liberalism, enligt författare, kan gynna en nation med hänseenden till dess strömstatus. En mognaekonomi gynnar mer stunder som en framkallande ekonomi kan inte konkurrera väl, blir hence mer fattig. Denna kan vara en bra avvikelse pekar för att forskare ska finna förhållandet mellan stå för per capita av varje land till verkställer av globalisering till inkomstfördelning. I att betrakta människautvecklingsindexet, benämner in av denekonomi paradigmen, ämnet angående handel, och ska utveckling är ett brett sätter in för studie.
Genom att föreslå för att lösningen ska ändra mindseten av folket, fick författare den mest sannoliken radikalt svar. Detta är vad samhället måste genomgå för att funderare ut ur boxas och realisera betydelsen av patriotism- och samkvämmedvetenheten. Denna är en rekommendation för varje medborgare specifikt till policy-makers.
Det finns olika klassifikationer för länder. I detta granska ska länder klassificeras som framkallat, framkallning och least - framkallat. Dessa categorizations baseras på olika kännetecken av ett land liksom per capitainkomst och människautvecklingsindex. I den ortodoxa paradigmen ska tillväxt av ett land baseras endast i förhöjningen av per capitainkomst. I detta granska, politiska den ska ekonomiparadigmen är van vid definierar tillväxt i ett land, som är med den jämna inkomsten; tillväxt som också ska, baseras på människa villkorar och tillfredsställelse. Statusen av varje land ska är basen på hur den ska påverkas av globalisering. Som sagt tidigare, gör frihandel ett rikt land bättre av i uppta som omkostnad av underutvecklade nationer. Detta konto kan beskådas i olika perspektiv av importen och exporten, såväl som i dess verkställa i anställning och bransch. Länder med full anställning eller full anställning jämnar nästan, och en mognaekonomi är ansedd som de framkallade länderna; i kontrast är framkallningen och least - framkallade länder (Gomez, et. al. 2000).
Kärna ur-Peripheryen teorin (CPT)
denna teori är också bekant, som det Neocolonial beroendet modellerar som strömmde ut från den marxistiska ideologin. Detta visar förhållandet av en centrera/en kraftigare nation till dess kolonier/svagare nationer. Kärna ur avsiktligt eller dominerar, förtrycker och evakuerar unconsciously resurserna av det mindre kraftiga landet. , om ibland kärnans avsikt är att bistå kolonin, avslutar det upp att spoliera landet till peka som landet kunde ej längre stå utan hjälpen av kärna ur. Och politiskt driva från systemet, vem underhåller denna sort av förhållandet, är det folk som når, tycker om från deras inkomst, social status. Endast till och med en rotation eller ha som huvudämne igenom omstrukturering av det kapitalistiska systemet kan frigöra kolonierna från kärnans förtryck (Todaro, 1997). CPTEN kan vara tillhörande direkt till det närvarande existerande systemet som beskriven av förhållandet av det nordliga halvklotländer, som ”kärna ur”, till mestadels afrikanska och asiatiska länder, som deras f8orlängning marknadsför/satellit- kolonier//peripheryländer. I det känt av fritt marknadsföra, skjuter dessa kraftiga nationer för tariff-free marknadsför, såväl som ingen-till subventionpolitik så dem kan ha en marknadsföra för deras överskottprodukter och tjäna mer vinst. I en tariff-free ekonomi ”kan peripheryen” fritt exportera några av deras jordbruks-/rå produkter som är den huvudsakliga källan av billiga rå material för industrialized, och fabriks- ekonomi av ”kärnar ur” (Galbraith, 1975). ”Kärna ur” följer i verkligheten inte politiken för att överge subventionen speciellt till dess bönder, hur ironiskt det kan verka men (Stiglitz, 2006). Således prissätter kärna urcanjordbruksprodukter mer på ett mer billig. Med högre produktivitet kan kärna ur nu exportera produkter (jordbruksprodukter) som är nödvändiga till ett u-land export marknadsför liksom havre, rice, Etc. Sedan kärna ur kan nu exportera dessa godor, följer den att de behöver ej längre den sådan importen. Det ska nu finns ett mindre, eller värre inga marknadsför för peripheryen. Låt något att säga ricesektoren, ett högre kostar för produktion av denna produkt åsamka sig, sedan regeringen subventionerar ej längre. Den dyrare lokalt producerade ricen kan ej längre konkurrera med den mer billiga importerade ricen. Detta villkorar ska avskräcker lokalbönder till jordbruksprodukter godan. Denna är början av periphery'sens beroende till kärna ur för riceproduktion. I annat räcka, i sökandet för högre vinst, kärna ur kan välja till outsource några av dess företag till peripheryen på grund av billigt prisarbetet (Thompson, 1993). Detta är fallet av den närvarande appellen centrerar företag eller affären som bearbetar entreprenadiseringen (BPO). Naturligtvis kan detta ge jobb, avtalsenliga jobb, bland satellitens medborgare. I annan avkänning tvingades dessa medborgare för att avvika från deras vanliga tidschema för att justera på naturen av deras kunder. Även om denna sort av jobbet kan ge en bra källa av inkomst för medborgarna, benämner in av välfärden av anställda, denna kan vara förnedra. Detta kan skada det vård- av arbetaren, störer deras stamgästtidschema, stagnerar deras lära och applikation av deras studentgrad eller även deras yrke (i fallet av några lärare, som blev en appell, centrera medlet). Detta kan också påverka familjförhållande. Givet detta exempel, kan det stötta idén att frihandel kan göra ond mindre mognar ekonomier. I kontrast till CPT enunciates använder strömglobaliseringintrigen eller outrightly ”kärnan” driver för att tvinga satellit- länder för att acceptera, och att genomföra frihandelpolitik till och med olika institutioner liksom den monetära fonden för landskampen (IMF), världsbankenen (WB), WTO, och andra överenskommelser och rundor, som tacklar internationell handel, utfärdar.
Neoclassical kontra rotationen
Denna är ideologin som förkroppsligar begreppet av handelLiberalism - det samtidaa systemet som främjas av framkallade länder. Denna teori har tre att närma sig: fri-marknadsföra, public- primat och marknadsföra-vänskapsmatchen. Fri-marknadsföra försvarar idén som marknadsför är bara effektiv inget regerings- ingripande i marknadsföra främjas thus. Neoclassicists uphold their advocacies through obtaining control over the world’s major institutions such as the World Bank (WB), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and in the United Nation Development Program (UNDP). The above mentioned countries plus other influential countries – members of the Group of 8 (G8), greatly dominates the world trading system. They lead the formulation of international trade agreements as well as presenting rules and policies for referendum for countries. These trade agreements and the hocus-focus underlying in the pacts is the main issue of this article. According to Stiglitz trade agreements are dominated, manipulated and biased to the interest of developed countries, worst, for few interest groups alone.
Specific Factors Model (SFM)
This model presents how differences in countries’ resources can cause international trade. Income distribution is strongly affected by international trade as shown by this model. Thus this model can help explain why countries need to negotiate and that is because no single territory contains all the resources needed for diversified production. SFM suggest that factors specific to exports gain from trade while import-competing sectors lose (Krugman, 2000). On the other hand, labor sector may either gain or lose. This model can visibly position the context in the article. Since, most economist believe that trade can benefit more than without it, conceptually, those who benefit can compensate those who lose. But this is not the real case. That is the reason behind the discontent of the losers. Social inequality arise when some people or country gain in the expense of others up to the point of exploitation and deception.
Under trade liberalism, gains from trade can only be achieved by developed nation or those countries with mature economy (Thompson, 1993). The definition of what a mature economy can be based on Rostow’s stages of economic growth. On one hand, when a country is developing it can be classified under the second stage which is the precondition for take-off. It is where improvement in transportation, agriculture, and expansion of imports occur. Thus, the economy is not yet ripe. On the other hand, when the economy is mature it can be considered under the last stage of the model which is the age of mass consumption where the society can choose to become a welfare state or an international military power. It is characterized by a strong, competitive economy, usually under full employment level (Todaro, 1997). In this situation, an economy with full employment level will not be much affected by trade liberalization. The laborers in sector which is affected by strong importation can easily find job and transfer to other sectors which gain more in trade. Unlike in developing nations, laborers which are affected by trade are threatened to lose their job, thus adding to the unemployment rate in the country (Krugman, 2000). High unemployment rate means higher poverty index.
Global trade can cause an unbalanced growth in the economy of the country which engages in it. When a country will specialize in a field where it has a comparative advantage for trade, it would likely lead to a focused development in that specific area which can leave behind other uncompetitive sectors (Krugman, 2000).
The author’s suggestion to reform the mindset of the people as an important part to change the system is supported by Simon Kuznetz’s six features of modern economic growth. In the part of the developing country, they have to change the way they decide towards a policy to, this time, consider it and improve it to be biased on the developing country. If advanced countries really have the will to help the developing country to pursue for development and industrialization, there must be a sacrifice on their part.
The article is short yet it opened up a number of issues and a wide field for discussion. The author has a broad overview regarding the concept of free trade. He critically applied the principles of equitable and efficient global resource allocation among societies. This means that being an economist, he does not only conform to the conventional belief of economics that liberalized trade can benefit more to people. He does not consider efficiency only for capital and land owners but to everyone who is and can be affected by policies implemented. Economics, being a discipline under social science, must consider the welfare of the society (Gomez, et. al., 2000). And that consideration is prioritized by the author in the article. He also embarked upon the different subdivision of the subject. He regarded the international interaction of countries as well as the governing politics in each negotiation. He included his observation on how decisions were made and he discussed about the discrepancies in the institution which facilitates the global interaction of trade.
The article presented issues from a general perspective of development inequality brought about by trade liberalization down to the politics involved in intellectual property rights discussion. The flow of the article leads the reader to see trade liberalism as a deep issue which is not only limited to import and export exchange among countries.
The author was audacious to present ideas usually considered as an open secret- an obvious fact but is constantly denied or kept unnoticed. He identified reasons how and why trade liberalism creates inequality to nations. When the author said that there is something wrong with the world trading system he subsequently offered facts and theories to prove his stand. It is quite good that he gave pragmatic examples but he fall short to show precise data to further defend his allegations and arguments. For instance, he said that trade negotiations left poor countries worse off when they were forced to cut subsidies and bring down tariff level by the advanced industrialized countries. It would be better if he showed an excerpt from the round of trade negotiation which defined the policy and the agreement among the countries. Better if he showed cardinal values which will illustrate the level of tariff in each country. It will help the reader formulate and reason out why or what are other reasons behind the unequal imposition of tariff levels.
There was a shortcoming in the part of the author to give a clear and concise definition of the terms used such as free trade. The author failed to give theories and arguments which define the concept of free trade. It would be better if he presented first the concept of free trade – its pros and cons before bombarding his arguments. If the reader can clearly grasp the author’s perception of free trade it would then be smooth to judge the point of view presented.
There have been no characterizations of what the picture of a developed or a developing country is. Given that the author mentioned that globalization affect each countries based on their nature, he refused to associate the nature of a country on how it can decide to a policy. Yes he mentioned about the abuse of power but not on how these power are asserted to control the votes of each representative systematically; that is aside from his given point of political and self interests.
The kind of development paradigm as the basis for growth measurement was not clearly identified. It is important to be defined especially when talking about growth or failure as a result of globalization. Failure to do so can cause doubt on the conclusion of the article.
It was good when the author suggested the need to change the mindset of negotiators in the way that trading decisions are made as well as encourage each country to promote efficiency, fairness, and development but he should have reflected twice. As Adam Smith recognized the concept of self-interest or utility, it is inevitable to consider that each country will view fairness, efficiency, and development in their own perspective (Pen, 1967). Thus, the change in mindset will follow after the change in system because the way of thinking is developed by the system. Thus the author must suggest alternatives on how the ideology towards global equity will be developed.
The article appeared to be comprehensive for economics majors but no so for other social science apprentice whose background in trade liberalism is a nuance.
According to Newton, in every action there is a reaction. That is the reason why controversies and issues pop out. It is certain that different social science disciplines are interdependent in terms of decision making. In the article, the author pointed out the need to reform institutionally and ideologically based on the concept of democracy and transparency. Nevertheless, he lacked in clarifying how can the change be possible, where to begin, and failed to paint a concise picture on how this reform can be achieved.
The author provided a good flow of how social justice can be asserted amidst global trading system. It is good when he emphasized that institutional change would not be possible unless there is ideological change. This can be better if he presented ways on how can this change be realized. To challenge the system will require a lot of effort and perseverance.
The issues regarding the intellectual property rights open a wide horizon for research with regard to its context and further implication in the society. What was raised in the article was the way which the right to intellectual property can pave for monopoly. The author is implying that global trade is controlled not only by advanced nations, more so by few international business elites. This shows how politics can gravely affect international relations.
If a further study will be conducted regarding the advocacies of trade, it can contribute to the analysis on the social implication of global trade. Hence, allegations on free trade as a form of global exploitation for the benefit of the few can be further restructured.
In the case of these gigantic multinational corporations, in their game in the global trade, it was emphasized that they want to gain the highest profit with less cost. Yet they had too much of it when we refer to it financially (Pen. 1967). Is it really all about profit? Can the concept of gigantism be applied in the situation? This concept of gigantism refers to the goal of corporations to expand and earn global control and power. This concept does not consider profit as the main objective for expansion but expansion itself (Pen, 1967).
The article left inquiries which can be a good parting point for research. Some of these are: Does the advanced industrialized country really aim to advance global social welfare through the promotion of free trade or is it still part of their agenda to gain power over humanity? Does trade liberalism imply the existence of neo-imperialism? It was also suggested by the author that there must be changes in the mindset in order to create change in the society but how can be the biased mindset alter the system if it is rooted from the concept of liberalism? In addition, there is a need to define what is a just and efficient trading in relation to the community it affects.
Despite of the international promotion for free trade, issues such as social justice and equity cannot be ignored. As economics majors always say, there is always a tradeoff between efficiency and equity. But what is really the measurement for efficiency and what is for equity? How important is the society in terms of growth and development? These questions may seem to have an obvious answer long time before, yet until the present its application to society seems bleak.
Bibliography
Caves, R., & Jones, R. (1985). World Trade and Payments: An Introduction. Toronto: Little, Brown and Company.
Galbraith, J.K. (1975). Economics and the Public Purpose. United States of America: Houghton Mifflin Company.
Gomez, D., et. al. (2000). Reforming Social Policy: Changing Perspectives on Sustainable Human Development. Canada: International Development Research Centre.
Krugman, P. & Obstfeld, M. (2000). International Economics (5th edition). United States of America: Addison-Wesley Reading.
Mankiw, N.G. (2004). Principles of Economics (3rd edition). United States of America: Thomson Learning.
Nyilas, J. (1976). Integration in the World Economy East-West and Inter-State Relations. Hungary: Akademia Kiado.
Pen, J. (1967). A Primer on International Trade. New York: Random House.
Thompson, H. (1993). International Economics: A Microeconomic Approach. Toronto: Longman Publishing Group.
Todaro, M. (1997). Economic Development. United States of America: Addison-Wesley Reading.
2006-69621
на globalization
Automatically translated into Russian thanks to WorldLingo
Stilglitz, Иосиф. Социальная справедливость и глобальная торговля. Дальневосточное хозяйственное просмотрение: Просмотрение Publishing Компания ограничивалось. Март 2006, том 169. 2.
Просмотрение на социальная справедливость и глобальной торговле
«торговле может сделать каждое лучше-». Это будет второй принцип домоводства овеществляет и использовало по мере того как произношение по буквам свободной торговлей защищает (FTAs) для того чтобы впихнуть принципиальную схему trade либерализма. Свободным рынком, свободной торговлей, trade либерализмом, и globalization, этими будут синонимные термины используемые для того чтобы обозначить неограниченное международную торговлю. Оно обескураживает интервенцию правительства в рынке и повышает internationalism среди наций. Это будет современное страна с рыночной экономикой предложенное немногими влиятельными нациями для rest of the world. Промотированием роста и развития для каждой страны включит в ем будет лозунг FTAs.
Статья представила доводы за и против глобальное trade и своих прикосновенностей к гуманности. Оно также представило принципиальные схемы относительно правосудия и справедливость по отношению к изменениям в экономии принесла около trade либерализмом. Оно спросило цель пактов и международных соглашений in terms of правильное представление и рассмотрение относительно trade процесса принятия решений. Следовательно, автор защитил институциональныа изменения.
Основно, статья изыскивает внимание allover legislators и ведущих переговоры мир для того чтобы посмотреть назад на главной причине почему они находятся в положении что представить, послужить, и повысить благосостояние среди людей, более так, в их соответственно нации. Автор также хотел был бы wake up публика от reverie wellness свободная торговля обещает к каждой нации включает в ем. Таким образом, он ободряет людей быть осведомленн, критически, и блюстительн к политикам которые могут повлиять на общество. Однако, читатель должен иметь предпосылку в основных принципах домоводства, о принципиальной схеме свободной торговли, и считает людей по мере того как социальный быть который состоит из нации и таким образом может быть повлиян на каждой снабженной политикой.
Статья представила вопросы включают по-разному advocacies экономического либерализма. Это вклюает trade либерализм, перерегулирование, и предохранение интеллектуальной собственности. Несколько ситуации где торговля имела удар в экономии и социальные условия некоторой нации также были включены. Теории и общее верование относительно свободной торговли были определены. Хотя социальные факты, such as разница в уровне тарифа среди стран, никакое конкретное и точное эпирическое доказательство не было включено в статью. Он open up как некоторые выдвинули индустриализированные страны дают усилие завизировать и рационализировать ситуации для того чтобы нажать для globalization. Автор, Иосиф Stiglitz, также повторенные влияния свободной торговли к превращаться и начатые нации и как эти нации реагируют к системе.
Tradeoffs стороны людей (Mankiw, 2004). Это объясняет почему в глобальном торговать некоторым потеряет и некоторые). Глобальный торговать не будет по возможности без торговые переговоры и согласования приобретут (Krugman, нация 2000each которая включит в ем. Недавн, эти trade саммиты будут главным образом причиной для неудовлетворенности по-разному включили партий, котор. Заявления что нации богатые люди будут более богатыми пока плохие нации ухудшают поддержаны фактом что даже с согласованием тариф выравнивает быть понижено вниз в соответствии к принципу свободной торговли; будет неравная верстка уровней тарифа (Nyilas, 1976). Уровень тарифа начатых стран стран' 4 времени более высоко чем развивающие нации. Развивающаяся страна также принудились исключить субсидии in contrast to политики начатые стран страны' снабженные для того чтобы поддержать участок продукции главным образом земледелие. Я обеспечен примером условия Мексики под северный соглашения о свободной торговле америки (NAFTA) где крупныйа рынок сбыта мира был open up для их, их рост был бы быстре но другая дорога случилась. Globalization влияет на каждую нацию по-разному. Только страны с максимумом к полному уровню занятости и зрелой экономики могут помочь от системы. Дает тому, в настоящее время, торгуя систему biased к начатым стран странам. Было найдено вне что те страны не последовали политики globalization были записаны с самым быстрым уровнем роста. Примерами этих были страны в восточной Азии (Stiglitz, 2006). Переговоры относительно интеллектуального права на собственность также были tackled. По мере того как автор подчеркнул, под façade принципов trade либерализма просто политика интереса собственной личности. Начатые стран страны хотят open up мировая экономика свободно для того чтобы иметь более широкий рынок для экспортов (Stiglitz, 2006).
Таким образом будет потребность изменить в настоящее время торгуя политики системы. Будет звонок для того чтобы обратить свою скошенность in favour of развивающие нации. ESLI изменение в в настоящее время подходе на торговые переговоры может разрешить больше ситуацию. Правильные представления для каждой включили партии, котор могут улучшать настоящий момент их положения, сентименты, и рекомендации with regards to торгуя предложения (Stiglitz, 2006). С правильными представлением и консультацией, тело может come up с более соотвествующим решением в системе торговать овеществлянной принципиальной схемой развития. Проблема представления была определена потому что решения политиканов' были паллиативны with regards to торговать. Они обычно повлияны на группы по интересам от они также пришли от (Nyilas, 1976). Поэтому будет потребность улучшить качество, транспарант, и реальное народовластие в отечественной политической арене. Тем не менее, структурно реформы никогда не будут authenticated если не будет изменения в мировоззренческом аспекте включили людей, котор. Если mindset не подумать для сочиального обеспечения и развития, каждое решение, котор они come up только будет biased на их линии интереса. Будет звонок для того чтобы реформировать организацию международной торговли, свои политики, и свои регулировки. Хотя это не гарантирует совершенное изменение for the benefit of aggrieved партия но это может быть вес для того чтобы создать баланс среди наций in terms of торговля.
In line with определенные predicaments выше, представление статьи возможность для того чтобы создать изменение в системе. Будет повелительный звонок для общества для того чтобы защитить их права против opportunistic целей.
Между хозяйственной рационализацией, самым доминантным рассуждением для нажимать свободную торговлю будет политика. Примером этого будет принципиальная схема за правилами и политиками снабдила организацией международной торговли (WTO) и другими торгового соглашение будут повестка дня империалисты', котор нужно приобрести в расходе меньше начатых обществ, принимая преимуществу их уязвимости также, как их ресурсы (Galbraith, 1975). Этот exposé должен быть рассмотрен руководителя. Они должны быть скептичны к каждому согласованию, котор они включают внутри потому что в их лож рук stipulation их страны. Примером представленным автором будет предложение стран защитника свободной торговли для того чтобы понизить тарифы на всем вплоть продуктов до нул (Подземелье & Jones, 1985). Усмешливо однако, потому что эти начатые стран страны не делают никакие такие вещи. Эта политика может больш повлиять на экономию развивающаяся страна. Транзитивно к движению понизить тарифы должна отрезать государственные дотации специально к сельскохозяйственному сектору потому что это изменит рынк-установило цены и это против закона свободного рынка. Это будет другое предложение FTA они сами проигнорировали. Субсидии к хуторянин делают более высокую продукцию и более низкую рыночную цену по возможности. Таким образом для этих стран, после того как я дало более высокую урожайность, легко ехпортировать специально для более низкого тарифа. In this case, страны которые повиновались политике никак-тарифа, никак-субсидия теряют от торговли (Gomez, et. al., 2000).
Существованием разниц в тарифах среди стран несмотря на международные соглашения выровнять его могло быть хороший вопрос, котор нужно найти вне. Вместе с этим, представлением автора просто как экспортный рынок развивающаяся страна было помешано для того чтобы вырасти продукты индустриализированными странами' специально с их субсидированным участком продукции such as земледелие может быть хороший аргумент для исследователей которые в благосклонности для свободной торговли и challenging темы, котор нужно rebut для FTAs.
Stiglitz также подвергло действию некоторые аномалии вовлеченные в и процессе принятия решений определения политики в международном уровне. Когда он point out что влиятельные, начатые стран страны such as Соединенные Штаты, япония, Канада, и EU принимают ответственность дирижировать обзоры, изучения, и другие RABOTы для того чтобы доказать преимущества принесенные около свободной торговлей внутри к по-разному странам и делают массивнейшую международную кампанию нажимая для принцип-основанного trade либерализма in contrast to политики они снабжают в их собственных странах, он показал что эти страны прячут под их доброжелательной маской быть alleviator скудости пока surreptitiously take advantage of эти меньше превращаться и развивающаяся страна для того чтобы заработать профит, и силой. Был економистом, оно примет множество смелости и критически думать для автора, котор нужно отклонить от mainstream идеи промотирования свободной торговли. Следовательно, эта статья повысит дальнейшее расследование и critique относительно влияний trade либерализма через страны.
Будут по-разному економические модели, специально in line with развитие и мирового хозяйство которое попытки для того чтобы объяснить отношение торговли к росту но each of те дали ситуации которой другими вещами была, котор держат константа, таким образом делая модель более менее применимо в реальной жизни. Предложены, что помогает более последующее изучение в этой теме разъяснить вопросы в OBLASTи.
Policy-makers должны также рассматривать состояние их страны перед соглашаться в декрете. Trade либерализм, согласно автору, может помочь нации with regards to свое в настоящее время состояние. Зрелая экономика помогает больше пока развивающаяся экономика не может состязаться наилучшим образом, следовательно будет более плохим. Это может быть хороший пункт отклонения для исследователей для того чтобы найти отношение между per capita стоять каждой страны к влияниям globalization к распределению дохода. В рассмотрении людского индекса развития, in terms of парадигма политическ-экономии, темой относительно торговли и развитием будут обширное поле для изучения.
Путем предлагать для разрешения для того чтобы изменить mindset людей автор получил самый вероятный радикальный ответ. Это общество должно пройти для того чтобы думать из коробки и осуществлять важность патриотизма и социального сознавания. Это будет рекомендация для каждого гражданина более специфически к policy-makers.
Будут по-разному классифицирования для стран. В этом просмотрении страны будут расклассифицированы как превращено, превращаться, и самое меньший - после того как они превращены. Эти категоризации основаны на по-разному характеристиках страны such as per capita доход и людской индекс развития. В правоверной парадигме, рост страны только будет основан в увеличении per capita дохода. В этом просмотрении, политическая парадигма экономии будет использована для того чтобы определить рост в стране, которая с уровнем дохода; рост также будет основан на людских состоянии и соответствии. Состоянием каждой страны будет основа на как оно будет повлияно на globalization. Как сказанная более предыдущая, свободная торговля делает страну богатые люди лучше в расходе underdeveloped наций. Этот учет может быть осмотрен в по-разному перспективах ввоза и экспорта так же, как в своем влиянии в занятости и индустрии. Страны с полной занятостью или close to уровень полной занятости и зрелая экономика рассмотрены как начатые стран страны; in contrast превращаться и самое меньший - начатые стран страны (Gomez, et. al. 2000).
Теория Сердечник-Периферии (CPT)
эта теория также известна как неоколониальная модель зависимости текла вне от марксистского мировоззрения. Это показывает отношение центра/более мощной нации к своим колониям/более слабым нациям. Сердечник преднамеренно или unconsciously преобладает, угнетает, и выматывает ресурсы меньше могущественной страны. Иногда если намерием сердечника будет помощь колонии, то, оно кончается вверх по баловать страну к пункту который страна смогла no longer не стоять без помощи сердечника. Поддерживают это вроде отношение те люди приобретают, наслаждаются от их дохода, социального состояния, и политической власти от системы. Только через виток или через главный изменять структуру системы капитализма смогите освободить колонии от утеснения сердечника (Todaro, 1997). CPT можно связать сразу к присытствыющей existing системе как портретировано отношением наций северного полушария, как «сердечник», к главным образом африканским и азиатским странам как их рынок выдвижения/колонии/страны спутника/периферии. In the name of свободный рынок, эти мощные нации нажимают для бестарифных рынков также, как никак-к политика субсидии поэтому они могут иметь рынок для их прибавочных продуктов и зарабатывать больше профита. В бестарифной экономии, «периферия» может свободно ехпортировать некоторые из их аграрных/сырцовых продуктов которые будут главным образом источником дешевых сырых материалов для экономии индустриализированной и изготавливания «сердечника» (Galbraith, 1975). Как усмешливо оно может показаться но «сердечник» в реальности не следует за политикой для того чтобы покинуть субсидию специально к своим хуторянин (Stiglitz, 2006). Таким образом сердечник может произвести больше на более дешевом цене. С более высокой урожайностью, сердечника чонсервной банкы экспортная продукция теперь (сельскохозяйственные продукты) которые необходимы к экспортному рынку развивающаяся страна such as мозоль, рис, cEtc. В виду того что сердечник может теперь ехпортировать эти товары, он следует за что им no longer не нужно импортировать такие. Теперь будет малое или более плох никакой рынок для периферии. В виду того что правительство no longer не субсидирует, препятствуйте мнению участок риса, более высокая цена для продукции этого продукта производит. Более дорогий местно произведенный рис может no longer не состязаться с более дешевым импортированным рисом. Это условие обескураживет местные фермеры для того чтобы произвести хорошее. Это будет начало зависимости периферии к сердечнику для продукции риса. В другой руке, в поиске для более высокого профита, сердечник может выбрать к outsource некоторые из своих компаний к периферии из-за дешевой рабочей сила (Thompson, 1993). Это будет случаем присытствыющие компании центра звонока или Outsourcing обрабатывать дела (BPO). Of course это может обеспечить работы, договорные работы, среди граждан спутника. В другом чувстве, эти граждане принудились отклонить от их обычного календарного графика для того чтобы отрегулировать на природе их клиентов. Хотя эта вроде работа может обеспечить хорошее источник дохода для граждан, in terms of благосостояние работников, это смогите ухудшать. Это может повредить здоровье работника, нарушает их регулярно календарный график, тормозит их учить и применение их STEPENи старшекурсника or even их профессии (в случае некоторых учителей которые стали веществом центра звонока). Это может также повлиять на семейное отношение. Я дало этот пример, оно может поддержать идею что свободная торговля может ушибить меньше зрелые экономики. In contrast to CPT, в настоящее время схема globalization enunciates или outrightly использует силу «сердечника» принудить спутниковые страны для того чтобы признавать и снабжать политики свободной торговли через по-разному заведения such as международный валютный фонд (IMF), Всемирный Банк (WB), WTO, и другие согласования и круги которое tackles вопросы международной торговли.
Неоклассический встречный виток
Это будет мировоззрение овеществляет принципиальную схему Trade либерализма - современную систему повышенную начатыми стран странами. Эта теория имеет 3 подхода: свободно-рынок, общественный выбор, и рынк-содружественное. Свободно-рынок upholds идея что рынок самостоятельно эффективн таким образом никакая интервенция правительства в рынке повышен. Neoclassicists uphold their advocacies through obtaining control over the world’s major institutions such as the World Bank (WB), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and in the United Nation Development Program (UNDP). The above mentioned countries plus other influential countries – members of the Group of 8 (G8), greatly dominates the world trading system. They lead the formulation of international trade agreements as well as presenting rules and policies for referendum for countries. These trade agreements and the hocus-focus underlying in the pacts is the main issue of this article. According to Stiglitz trade agreements are dominated, manipulated and biased to the interest of developed countries, worst, for few interest groups alone.
Specific Factors Model (SFM)
This model presents how differences in countries’ resources can cause international trade. Income distribution is strongly affected by international trade as shown by this model. Thus this model can help explain why countries need to negotiate and that is because no single territory contains all the resources needed for diversified production. SFM suggest that factors specific to exports gain from trade while import-competing sectors lose (Krugman, 2000). On the other hand, labor sector may either gain or lose. This model can visibly position the context in the article. Since, most economist believe that trade can benefit more than without it, conceptually, those who benefit can compensate those who lose. But this is not the real case. That is the reason behind the discontent of the losers. Social inequality arise when some people or country gain in the expense of others up to the point of exploitation and deception.
Under trade liberalism, gains from trade can only be achieved by developed nation or those countries with mature economy (Thompson, 1993). The definition of what a mature economy can be based on Rostow’s stages of economic growth. On one hand, when a country is developing it can be classified under the second stage which is the precondition for take-off. It is where improvement in transportation, agriculture, and expansion of imports occur. Thus, the economy is not yet ripe. On the other hand, when the economy is mature it can be considered under the last stage of the model which is the age of mass consumption where the society can choose to become a welfare state or an international military power. It is characterized by a strong, competitive economy, usually under full employment level (Todaro, 1997). In this situation, an economy with full employment level will not be much affected by trade liberalization. The laborers in sector which is affected by strong importation can easily find job and transfer to other sectors which gain more in trade. Unlike in developing nations, laborers which are affected by trade are threatened to lose their job, thus adding to the unemployment rate in the country (Krugman, 2000). High unemployment rate means higher poverty index.
Global trade can cause an unbalanced growth in the economy of the country which engages in it. When a country will specialize in a field where it has a comparative advantage for trade, it would likely lead to a focused development in that specific area which can leave behind other uncompetitive sectors (Krugman, 2000).
The author’s suggestion to reform the mindset of the people as an important part to change the system is supported by Simon Kuznetz’s six features of modern economic growth. In the part of the developing country, they have to change the way they decide towards a policy to, this time, consider it and improve it to be biased on the developing country. If advanced countries really have the will to help the developing country to pursue for development and industrialization, there must be a sacrifice on their part.
The article is short yet it opened up a number of issues and a wide field for discussion. The author has a broad overview regarding the concept of free trade. He critically applied the principles of equitable and efficient global resource allocation among societies. This means that being an economist, he does not only conform to the conventional belief of economics that liberalized trade can benefit more to people. He does not consider efficiency only for capital and land owners but to everyone who is and can be affected by policies implemented. Economics, being a discipline under social science, must consider the welfare of the society (Gomez, et. al., 2000). And that consideration is prioritized by the author in the article. He also embarked upon the different subdivision of the subject. He regarded the international interaction of countries as well as the governing politics in each negotiation. He included his observation on how decisions were made and he discussed about the discrepancies in the institution which facilitates the global interaction of trade.
The article presented issues from a general perspective of development inequality brought about by trade liberalization down to the politics involved in intellectual property rights discussion. The flow of the article leads the reader to see trade liberalism as a deep issue which is not only limited to import and export exchange among countries.
The author was audacious to present ideas usually considered as an open secret- an obvious fact but is constantly denied or kept unnoticed. He identified reasons how and why trade liberalism creates inequality to nations. When the author said that there is something wrong with the world trading system he subsequently offered facts and theories to prove his stand. It is quite good that he gave pragmatic examples but he fall short to show precise data to further defend his allegations and arguments. For instance, he said that trade negotiations left poor countries worse off when they were forced to cut subsidies and bring down tariff level by the advanced industrialized countries. It would be better if he showed an excerpt from the round of trade negotiation which defined the policy and the agreement among the countries. Better if he showed cardinal values which will illustrate the level of tariff in each country. It will help the reader formulate and reason out why or what are other reasons behind the unequal imposition of tariff levels.
There was a shortcoming in the part of the author to give a clear and concise definition of the terms used such as free trade. The author failed to give theories and arguments which define the concept of free trade. It would be better if he presented first the concept of free trade – its pros and cons before bombarding his arguments. If the reader can clearly grasp the author’s perception of free trade it would then be smooth to judge the point of view presented.
There have been no characterizations of what the picture of a developed or a developing country is. Given that the author mentioned that globalization affect each countries based on their nature, he refused to associate the nature of a country on how it can decide to a policy. Yes he mentioned about the abuse of power but not on how these power are asserted to control the votes of each representative systematically; that is aside from his given point of political and self interests.
The kind of development paradigm as the basis for growth measurement was not clearly identified. It is important to be defined especially when talking about growth or failure as a result of globalization. Failure to do so can cause doubt on the conclusion of the article.
It was good when the author suggested the need to change the mindset of negotiators in the way that trading decisions are made as well as encourage each country to promote efficiency, fairness, and development but he should have reflected twice. As Adam Smith recognized the concept of self-interest or utility, it is inevitable to consider that each country will view fairness, efficiency, and development in their own perspective (Pen, 1967). Thus, the change in mindset will follow after the change in system because the way of thinking is developed by the system. Thus the author must suggest alternatives on how the ideology towards global equity will be developed.
The article appeared to be comprehensive for economics majors but no so for other social science apprentice whose background in trade liberalism is a nuance.
According to Newton, in every action there is a reaction. That is the reason why controversies and issues pop out. It is certain that different social science disciplines are interdependent in terms of decision making. In the article, the author pointed out the need to reform institutionally and ideologically based on the concept of democracy and transparency. Nevertheless, he lacked in clarifying how can the change be possible, where to begin, and failed to paint a concise picture on how this reform can be achieved.
The author provided a good flow of how social justice can be asserted amidst global trading system. It is good when he emphasized that institutional change would not be possible unless there is ideological change. This can be better if he presented ways on how can this change be realized. To challenge the system will require a lot of effort and perseverance.
The issues regarding the intellectual property rights open a wide horizon for research with regard to its context and further implication in the society. What was raised in the article was the way which the right to intellectual property can pave for monopoly. The author is implying that global trade is controlled not only by advanced nations, more so by few international business elites. This shows how politics can gravely affect international relations.
If a further study will be conducted regarding the advocacies of trade, it can contribute to the analysis on the social implication of global trade. Hence, allegations on free trade as a form of global exploitation for the benefit of the few can be further restructured.
In the case of these gigantic multinational corporations, in their game in the global trade, it was emphasized that they want to gain the highest profit with less cost. Yet they had too much of it when we refer to it financially (Pen. 1967). Is it really all about profit? Can the concept of gigantism be applied in the situation? This concept of gigantism refers to the goal of corporations to expand and earn global control and power. This concept does not consider profit as the main objective for expansion but expansion itself (Pen, 1967).
The article left inquiries which can be a good parting point for research. Some of these are: Does the advanced industrialized country really aim to advance global social welfare through the promotion of free trade or is it still part of their agenda to gain power over humanity? Does trade liberalism imply the existence of neo-imperialism? It was also suggested by the author that there must be changes in the mindset in order to create change in the society but how can be the biased mindset alter the system if it is rooted from the concept of liberalism? In addition, there is a need to define what is a just and efficient trading in relation to the community it affects.
Despite of the international promotion for free trade, issues such as social justice and equity cannot be ignored. As economics majors always say, there is always a tradeoff between efficiency and equity. But what is really the measurement for efficiency and what is for equity? How important is the society in terms of growth and development? These questions may seem to have an obvious answer long time before, yet until the present its application to society seems bleak.
Bibliography
Caves, R., & Jones, R. (1985). World Trade and Payments: An Introduction. Toronto: Little, Brown and Company.
Galbraith, J.K. (1975). Economics and the Public Purpose. United States of America: Houghton Mifflin Company.
Gomez, D., et. al. (2000). Reforming Social Policy: Changing Perspectives on Sustainable Human Development. Canada: International Development Research Centre.
Krugman, P. & Obstfeld, M. (2000). International Economics (5th edition). United States of America: Addison-Wesley Reading.
Mankiw, N.G. (2004). Principles of Economics (3rd edition). United States of America: Thomson Learning.
Nyilas, J. (1976). Integration in the World Economy East-West and Inter-State Relations. Hungary: Akademia Kiado.
Pen, J. (1967). A Primer on International Trade. New York: Random House.
Thompson, H. (1993). International Economics: A Microeconomic Approach. Toronto: Longman Publishing Group.
Todaro, M. (1997). Economic Development. United States of America: Addison-Wesley Reading.
2006-69621
bij de globalisering
Automatically translated into Dutch thanks to WorldLingo
Stilglitz, Joseph. Sociale Rechtvaardigheid en Globale Handel. Het Economische Overzicht van het Verre Oosten: Review Publishing Company beperkte. Maart 2006, Volume 169. Nummer 2.
Een overzicht op Sociale Rechtvaardigheid en Globale Handel
„Handel kan iedereen better-off maken“. Dit is het tweede principe van economie dat opneemt en als werktijd door vrijhandelsverdedigers (FTAs) aan shove het concept handelsliberalism hanteerde. De vrije markt, de vrijhandel, handelsliberalism, en de globalisering, deze zijn synonieme termijnen die worden gebruikt om een onbeperkte internationale handel aan te duiden. Het raadt overheidsinterventie in de markt af en bevordert internationalisme onder naties. Dit is het eigentijdse marktsysteem dat door weinig invloedrijke naties voor de rest van de wereld wordt aangeboden. De bevordering van de groei en ontwikkeling voor elk land dat daarin in dienst zal nemen is de slogan van FTAs.
Het artikel stelde pros en cons. van globale handel en zijn implicaties aan het mensdom voor. Het stelde ook concepten betreffende rechtvaardigheid en gelijkheid met betrekking tot veranderingen in de economie voor die door handelsliberalism wordt bewerkstelligd. Het vroeg het doel van pacten en internationale overeenkomsten in termen van juiste vertegenwoordiging en overweging betreffende handelsbesluit - makend. Vandaar, bepleitte de auteur een institutionele verandering.
Fundamenteel, heeft het artikel de aandacht van wetgevers en onderhandelaars tot doel allover de wereld om te kijken terug op de belangrijkste reden waarom zij in de positie zijn - dat moet, welzijn onder de mensen, meer zo, in hun respectieve natie vertegenwoordigen dienen en bevorderen. De auteur zou ook het publiek van reverie van wellness willen wekken die de vrijhandel aan elke natie belooft die daarin in dienst neemt. Aldus, moedigt hij de mensen aan om bewust te zijn, kritiek te zijn, en waakzaam aan beleid te zijn dat de maatschappij kan beïnvloeden. Niettemin, moet de lezer een achtergrond in de basisprincipes van economie, over het concept vrijhandel hebben, en beschouwt de mensen aangezien het sociale zijn die uit een natie bestaat en kan zo door elk uitgevoerd beleid worden beïnvloed.
Het artikel stelde kwesties voor die de verschillende bepleiten van economische liberalism impliceren. Dit omvat handelsliberalism, deregulering, en de bescherming van intellectuele eigendom. Een aantal situaties waar de handel een invloed in de economie en de sociale voorwaarde van een bepaalde natie had waren ook inbegrepen. De theorieën en de gemeenschappelijke geloven betreffende vrijhandel werden geïdentificeerdr. Hoewel de sociale feiten, zoals het verschil in het tariefniveau onder landen werden voorgesteld, werd geen concreet en nauwkeurig empirisch bewijsmateriaal opgenomen in het artikel. Hij stelde open hoe sommige gevorderde industrielanden inspanning geven om situaties te onderschrijven en te rationaliseren om voor globalisering te duwen. De auteur, Joseph Stiglitz, herhaalde ook gevolgen van vrijhandel aan zich het ontwikkelen en ontwikkelde naties en hoe deze naties naar het systeem reageren.
De mensen zien inruil (Mankiw, 2004) onder ogen. Dit verklaart waarom in globaal het uitwisselen van wat en wat zal verliezen). De globale handel zal niet zonder handelsonderhandelingen mogelijk zijn en de overeenkomsten tussen zullen bereiken (Krugman, natie 2000each die daarin in dienst zal nemen. Onlangs, zijn deze handelstoppen de primaire reden voor de ontevredenheid van verschillende partijen in kwestie. De beweringen dat de rijke naties rijker worden terwijl de slechte naties degraderen worden gesteund door het feit dat zelfs met de overeenkomst dat de tariefniveaus in overeenstemming met het principe van vrijhandel moeten worden verlaagd; er is ongelijke heffing van tariefniveaus (Nyilas, 1976). Niveau van het ontwikkelde landen het' tarief is vier keer hoger dan de ontwikkelende naties. De ontwikkelingslanden werden ook gedwongen om subsidies in tegenstelling tot ontwikkelde landen' te elimineren uitgevoerd beleid om productiesector hoofdzakelijk te steunen de landbouw. Verstrekt door het voorbeeld van de voorwaarde van Mexico in het kader van de Noordelijke Vrijhandelsovereenkomst van Amerika (NAFTA) waar de grootste markt van de wereld voor hen werd opengesteld, hun groei zou geweest zijn sneller maar de andere manier gebeurde. De globalisering beïnvloedt verschillend elke natie. Slechts kunnen de landen met hoogte aan volledig werkgelegenheidspeil en een rijpe economie van het systeem profiteren. Gezien, momenteel, het handelssysteem naar ontwikkelde landen beïnvloed is. Men kwam te weten dat die landen die globaliserings geen beleid nastreefden met het snelste de groeiniveau werden geregistreerd. De voorbeelden hiervan waren de landen in Oost-Azië (Stiglitz, 2006). De onderhandeling betreffende de intellectuele-eigendomsrechten werd ook aangepakt. Aangezien de auteur benadrukte, onderaan façade van principes van handel is liberalism de eenvoudige politiek van eigenbelang. De ontwikkelde landen wil de wereldeconomie openstellen om een bredere markt voor de uitvoer (Stiglitz, 2006) vrij te hebben.
Aldus is er een behoefte om het huidige handelssysteembeleid te veranderen. Er is een vraag om zijn schuinte ten gunste van de ontwikkelende naties om te keren. Indien er zijn kan een verandering in de huidige benadering op handelsonderhandelingen de situatie meer verminderen. De juiste vertegenwoordiging voor elke partij in kwestie kan hun posities, gevoel, en aanbevelingen met achting aan handelvoorstellen (Stiglitz, 2006) beter voorstellen. Met juist vertegenwoordiging en overleg, kan het lichaam met een meer aangewezen besluit in het systeem om handel te drijven op de proppen komen opgenomen door het concept ontwikkeling. Het probleem van vertegenwoordiging werd geïdentificeerdn omdat de politici' besluiten met achting aan handel verzachtend waren. Zij worden gewoonlijk beïnvloed door speciale belangengroepen waaruit zij ook kwamen uit (Nyilas, 1976). Daarom is er een behoefte om de kwaliteit, de transparantie, en de echte democratie in de binnenlandse politieke arena te verbeteren. Niettemin, zullen de structurele hervormingen nooit voor authentiek verklaard worden tenzij er een verandering in het ideologische aspect van de mensen in kwestie is. Tenzij de denkrichting voor maatschappelijk welzijn en ontwikkeling zal denken, zal elk besluit zij komen omhoog slechts beïnvloed worden betreffende hun lijn van belang. Er is een vraag om de Wereldhandelsorganisatie, zijn beleid, en zijn verordeningen te hervormen. Hoewel dit geen perfecte verandering ten voordele van de gegriefde partij maar zal waarborgen dit kan een gewicht zijn om saldo onder naties in termen van handel tot stand te brengen.
Overeenkomstig de geïdentificeerde klassen hierboven, vormt het artikel een uitdaging om tot verandering in het systeem te leiden. Er is een noodzakelijke vraag naar de maatschappij om hun rechten tegen opportunistic doelstellingen te beschermen.
In het midden van economische rationalisatie, is de meest dominante reden voor het duwen vrijhandel politiek. Een voorbeeld van dit is het concept dat achter de regels en het beleid dat door de Wereldhandelsorganisatie (WTO) worden uitgevoerd en andere handelovereenkomsten de imperialisten' agenda zijn in de uitgave van de minder ontwikkelde maatschappijen te bereiken, die voordeel nemen hun kwetsbaarheid evenals hun middelen (Galbraith, 1975). Dit exposé moet door beleidsbepalers worden overwogen. Zij moeten aan elke overeenkomst sceptisch zijn die zij genomen bben= in omdat in hun handen de bepaling van hun land lig. Een voorbeeld dat door de auteur wordt voorgelegd is het voorstel neer van de landen van de vrijhandelsverdediger aan lagere tarieven op alle producten aan nul (Holen & Jones, 1985). Het is niettemin ironisch, omdat deze ontwikkelde landen geen dergelijke dingen doen. Dit beleid kan de economie van een ontwikkelingsland zeer beïnvloeden. Transitief aan de beweging aan lagere tarieven is overheidssubsidies vooral aan landbouwsector te snijden omdat dit de markt-vastgestelde prijzen zal veranderen en dit is tegen de wet van vrije markt. Dit is een ander voorstel van Fta- dat zij zelf negeerden. De subsidies aan landbouwers maken hogere productie en lagere marktprijs mogelijk. Aldus voor deze landen, gezien een hogere productiviteit, is het gemakkelijk om vooral voor een lager tarief uit te voeren. In dit geval, verliest de landen die het beleid van geen-tarief uitvoerden, geen-subsidie van handel (Gomez, et. al., 2000).
Het bestaan van verschillen in tarieven onder landen ondanks internationale akkoorden tot niveau zou het een goede kwestie kunnen zijn te weten te komen. Samen met dit, kan de eenvoudige presentatie van de auteur van hoe ontwikkelingslanden' de exportmarkt om werd belemmerd te groeien door industrielanden' producten vooral met hun gesubsidi�ërde productiesector zoals landbouw een goed argument voor onderzoekers zijn die minder in gunst voor vrijhandel en een opwindend onderwerp om voor FTAs zijn weer te leggen.
Stiglitz stelde ook sommige anomalieën bloot die bij beleidsformulering en besluit worden betrokken - makend in het internationale niveau. Toen hij erop wees dat de invloedrijke, ontwikkelde landen zoals de Verenigde Staten, Japan, Canada, en de EU de verantwoordelijkheid nemen om onderzoeken, studies, en andere activiteiten uit te voeren om de voordelen te bewijzen die door vrijhandel binnen aan verschillende landen worden bewerkstelligd en een massieve internationale campagne duwend voor op principe-gebaseerde handelsliberalism in tegenstelling tot het beleid doen zij in hun eigen landen uitvoeren, toonde hij aan dat deze landen onder hun welwillend masker van het zijn een armoedealleviator terwijl surreptitiously het voordeel halen van uit deze minder ontwikkeld en ontwikkelingslanden om winst te verdienen, en macht verbergen. Zijnd een econoom, zal het heel wat moed en het kritieke denken voor de auteur om van het heersende stromingsidee van vrijhandelsbevordering vergen af te wijken. Derhalve zal dit artikel verdere onderzoek en kritiek betreffende de gevolgen van handelsliberalism over landen bevorderen.
Er zijn verschillende economische modellen, vooral overeenkomstig ontwikkeling en internationale economie die probeert om de verhouding van handel aan de groei te verklaren maar elk van die gaf een situatie die andere dingen constant werden gehouden, waarbij het model toepasselijk wordt gemaakt minder in echt. Een verdere studie in dit onderwerp wordt voorgesteld helpen kwesties in het gebied nader toelichten.
De beleidsvormers moeten de status van hun land ook overwegen alvorens in een besluit overeen te stemmen. Liberalism van de handel, volgens de auteur, kan aan een natie met achting aan zijn huidige status ten goede komen. Een rijpe economie komt ten goede aan meer terwijl een ontwikkelende economie niet kan goed concurreren, vandaar wordt slechter. Dit kan een goed vertrekpunt voor onderzoekers zijn om het verband tussen de status per hoofd van elk land aan de gevolgen van globalisering aan inkomensdistributie te vinden. Bij het overwegen van de menselijke ontwikkelingsindex, in termen van politiek-economieparadigma, zullen het onderwerp betreffende handel en de ontwikkeling een breed gebied voor studie zijn.
Door voor de oplossing voor te stellen om de denkrichting van de mensen te veranderen kreeg de auteur het waarschijnlijkste radicale antwoord. Dit is wat de maatschappij moet ondergaan uit de doos te denken en het belang van patriottisme en sociaal bewustzijn te realiseren. Dit is een aanbeveling voor elke burger specifieker aan beleidsvormers.
Er zijn verschillende classificaties voor landen. In dit overzicht zullen de landen worden geclassificeerd zoals ontwikkeld, zich ontwikkelt, en minst het meest ontwikkeld. Dit categoriseren is gebaseerd op verschillende kenmerken van een land zoals inkomen per hoofd en menselijke ontwikkelingsindex. In het orthodoxe paradigma, zal de groei van een land slechts gebaseerd worden in de verhoging van inkomen per hoofd. In dit overzicht, zal het politieke economieparadigma worden gebruikt om de groei in een land te bepalen, dat met het inkomensniveau is; de groei zal ook gebaseerd worden op menselijke voorwaarde en tevredenheid. De status van elk land zal de basis zijn op hoe het door globalisering zal worden beïnvloed. Zoals gezegd maakt de vroegere, vrijhandel een rijk land weg in de uitgave van onderontwikkelde naties beter. Deze rekening kan in verschillende perspectieven van de invoer en de uitvoer evenals in zijn effect in werkgelegenheid en de industrie worden bekeken. De landen met volledige werkgelegenheid of dicht bij volledige werkgelegenheidsniveau en een rijpe economie worden beschouwd als ontwikkelde landen; in tegenstelling zijn het ontwikkelen zich en de minst meest ontwikkelde landen (Gomez, et. al. 2000).
Kern-periferie Theorie (CPT)
Deze theorie is ook genoemd geworden Model van de Afhankelijkheid Neocolonial dat uit van de Marxistische ideologie stroomde. Dit toont de verhouding van een centrum/een krachtigere natie aan zijn kolonies/zwakkere naties. De kern of overheerst, onderdrukt, en opzettelijk put unconsciously de middelen van het minder krachtige land uit. Soms als de bedoeling van de kern de kolonie te helpen is, beëindigt het omhoog bedervend het land aan het punt dat het land zich niet meer zonder de hulp van de kern kon bevinden. Who handhaaft dit soort verhouding die mensen is die bereiken, van hun inkomen, sociale status, en politieke macht van het systeem genieten van. Slechts door een revolutie of door het belangrijke herstructureren van het kapitalistische systeem kan de kolonies van de onderdrukking van de kern bevrijden (Todaro, 1997). CPT kan rechtstreeks aan het huidige bestaande systeem worden geassoci�ërd zoals die door de verhouding van de Noordelijke naties van de Hemisfeer, als „kern“, aan meestal Afrikaanse en Aziatische landen als hun uitbreidingsmarkt/wordt afgebeeld kolonies/satelliet/periferielanden. In naam van vrije markt, duwen deze krachtige naties voor tariff-free markten evenals geen-aan subsidiebeleid zodat kunnen zij een markt voor hun surplusproducten hebben en meer winst verdienen. In een tariff-free economie, kan de „periferie“ sommige van hun landbouw/ruwe producten vrij uitvoeren die de belangrijkste bron van goedkope grondstoffen voor geïndustrialiseerd$ en de productieeconomie van de „kern“ (Galbraith, 1975) zijn. Hoe ironisch kan schijnen het maar de „kern“ in werkelijkheid volgt niet het beleid om subsidie vooral aan zijn landbouwers (Stiglitz, 2006) te verlaten. Aldus kan de kern meer aan een goedkopere prijs produceren. Met hogere productiviteit, kan de kern producten (landbouwproducten) nu uitvoeren die aan ontwikkelingslanden' exportmarkt zoals graan, rijst, enz. essentieel zijn. Aangezien de kern deze goederen kan nu uitvoeren, volgt het dat zij niet meer zulke moeten invoeren. Er zal nu kleiner of slechter geen markt voor de periferie zijn. Aangezien de overheid niet meer subsidi�ërt, laat de rijstsector zeggen, worden hogere kosten voor productie van dit product opgelopen. De duurdere ter plaatse geproduceerde rijst kan niet meer met de goedkopere ingevoerde rijst concurreren. Deze voorwaarde zal lokale landbouwers ontmoedigen om het goed te veroorzaken. Dit is het begin van de afhankelijkheid van de periferie aan de kern voor rijstproductie. In de andere hand, in onderzoek naar hogere winst, kan de kern verkiezen om sommige van zijn bedrijven aan de periferie wegens goedkope arbeid (Thompson, 1993) te delocaliseren. Dit is het geval van de huidige call centrebedrijven of de Delocalisering Bedrijfs van de Verwerking (BPO). Natuurlijk kan dit banen, contractuele banen, onder de burgers van de satelliet verstrekken. In andere betekenis, werden deze burgers gedwongen om van hun gebruikelijk tijdschema af te wijken op de aard van hun klanten aan te passen. Hoewel dit soort baan een goede bron van inkomen voor de burgers, in termen van het welzijn van de werknemers kan verstrekken, kan dit degraderend zijn. Dit kan de gezondheid van de arbeider beschadigen, hun regelmatig tijdschema storen, stagneren hun het leren en toepassing van hun niet-gegradueerdengraad of zelfs hun beroep (in het geval van sommige leraren die een call centreagent werden). Dit kan familieverhouding ook beïnvloeden. Gezien dit voorbeeld, kan het het idee dat steunen de vrijhandel minder rijpe economieën kan kwetsen. In tegenstelling tot CPT, somt de huidige globaliseringsregeling of gebruikt outrightly de bevoegdheid van de „kern op“ om satellietlanden te dwingen om vrijhandelsbeleid goed te keuren en uit te voeren door verschillende instellingen zoals het Internationale Monetaire Fonds (het IMF), De Wereldbank (WB), WTO, en andere overeenkomsten en rondes die internationale handelsonderwerpen behandelen.
Neoklassieke TegenRevolutie
Dit is de ideologie die het concept Liberalism van de Handel - het eigentijdse systeem opneemt dat door ontwikkelde landen wordt bevorderd. Deze theorie heeft drie benaderingen: free-market, openbare keus, en marktvriendelijk. Free-market bevestigt het idee dat de markt alleen zo geen overheidsinterventie in de markt wordt bevorderd efficiënt is. Neoclassicists uphold their advocacies through obtaining control over the world’s major institutions such as the World Bank (WB), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and in the United Nation Development Program (UNDP). The above mentioned countries plus other influential countries – members of the Group of 8 (G8), greatly dominates the world trading system. They lead the formulation of international trade agreements as well as presenting rules and policies for referendum for countries. These trade agreements and the hocus-focus underlying in the pacts is the main issue of this article. According to Stiglitz trade agreements are dominated, manipulated and biased to the interest of developed countries, worst, for few interest groups alone.
Specific Factors Model (SFM)
This model presents how differences in countries’ resources can cause international trade. Income distribution is strongly affected by international trade as shown by this model. Thus this model can help explain why countries need to negotiate and that is because no single territory contains all the resources needed for diversified production. SFM suggest that factors specific to exports gain from trade while import-competing sectors lose (Krugman, 2000). On the other hand, labor sector may either gain or lose. This model can visibly position the context in the article. Since, most economist believe that trade can benefit more than without it, conceptually, those who benefit can compensate those who lose. But this is not the real case. That is the reason behind the discontent of the losers. Social inequality arise when some people or country gain in the expense of others up to the point of exploitation and deception.
Under trade liberalism, gains from trade can only be achieved by developed nation or those countries with mature economy (Thompson, 1993). The definition of what a mature economy can be based on Rostow’s stages of economic growth. On one hand, when a country is developing it can be classified under the second stage which is the precondition for take-off. It is where improvement in transportation, agriculture, and expansion of imports occur. Thus, the economy is not yet ripe. On the other hand, when the economy is mature it can be considered under the last stage of the model which is the age of mass consumption where the society can choose to become a welfare state or an international military power. It is characterized by a strong, competitive economy, usually under full employment level (Todaro, 1997). In this situation, an economy with full employment level will not be much affected by trade liberalization. The laborers in sector which is affected by strong importation can easily find job and transfer to other sectors which gain more in trade. Unlike in developing nations, laborers which are affected by trade are threatened to lose their job, thus adding to the unemployment rate in the country (Krugman, 2000). High unemployment rate means higher poverty index.
Global trade can cause an unbalanced growth in the economy of the country which engages in it. When a country will specialize in a field where it has a comparative advantage for trade, it would likely lead to a focused development in that specific area which can leave behind other uncompetitive sectors (Krugman, 2000).
The author’s suggestion to reform the mindset of the people as an important part to change the system is supported by Simon Kuznetz’s six features of modern economic growth. In the part of the developing country, they have to change the way they decide towards a policy to, this time, consider it and improve it to be biased on the developing country. If advanced countries really have the will to help the developing country to pursue for development and industrialization, there must be a sacrifice on their part.
The article is short yet it opened up a number of issues and a wide field for discussion. The author has a broad overview regarding the concept of free trade. He critically applied the principles of equitable and efficient global resource allocation among societies. This means that being an economist, he does not only conform to the conventional belief of economics that liberalized trade can benefit more to people. He does not consider efficiency only for capital and land owners but to everyone who is and can be affected by policies implemented. Economics, being a discipline under social science, must consider the welfare of the society (Gomez, et. al., 2000). And that consideration is prioritized by the author in the article. He also embarked upon the different subdivision of the subject. He regarded the international interaction of countries as well as the governing politics in each negotiation. He included his observation on how decisions were made and he discussed about the discrepancies in the institution which facilitates the global interaction of trade.
The article presented issues from a general perspective of development inequality brought about by trade liberalization down to the politics involved in intellectual property rights discussion. The flow of the article leads the reader to see trade liberalism as a deep issue which is not only limited to import and export exchange among countries.
The author was audacious to present ideas usually considered as an open secret- an obvious fact but is constantly denied or kept unnoticed. He identified reasons how and why trade liberalism creates inequality to nations. When the author said that there is something wrong with the world trading system he subsequently offered facts and theories to prove his stand. It is quite good that he gave pragmatic examples but he fall short to show precise data to further defend his allegations and arguments. For instance, he said that trade negotiations left poor countries worse off when they were forced to cut subsidies and bring down tariff level by the advanced industrialized countries. It would be better if he showed an excerpt from the round of trade negotiation which defined the policy and the agreement among the countries. Better if he showed cardinal values which will illustrate the level of tariff in each country. It will help the reader formulate and reason out why or what are other reasons behind the unequal imposition of tariff levels.
There was a shortcoming in the part of the author to give a clear and concise definition of the terms used such as free trade. The author failed to give theories and arguments which define the concept of free trade. It would be better if he presented first the concept of free trade – its pros and cons before bombarding his arguments. If the reader can clearly grasp the author’s perception of free trade it would then be smooth to judge the point of view presented.
There have been no characterizations of what the picture of a developed or a developing country is. Given that the author mentioned that globalization affect each countries based on their nature, he refused to associate the nature of a country on how it can decide to a policy. Yes he mentioned about the abuse of power but not on how these power are asserted to control the votes of each representative systematically; that is aside from his given point of political and self interests.
The kind of development paradigm as the basis for growth measurement was not clearly identified. It is important to be defined especially when talking about growth or failure as a result of globalization. Failure to do so can cause doubt on the conclusion of the article.
It was good when the author suggested the need to change the mindset of negotiators in the way that trading decisions are made as well as encourage each country to promote efficiency, fairness, and development but he should have reflected twice. As Adam Smith recognized the concept of self-interest or utility, it is inevitable to consider that each country will view fairness, efficiency, and development in their own perspective (Pen, 1967). Thus, the change in mindset will follow after the change in system because the way of thinking is developed by the system. Thus the author must suggest alternatives on how the ideology towards global equity will be developed.
The article appeared to be comprehensive for economics majors but no so for other social science apprentice whose background in trade liberalism is a nuance.
According to Newton, in every action there is a reaction. That is the reason why controversies and issues pop out. It is certain that different social science disciplines are interdependent in terms of decision making. In the article, the author pointed out the need to reform institutionally and ideologically based on the concept of democracy and transparency. Nevertheless, he lacked in clarifying how can the change be possible, where to begin, and failed to paint a concise picture on how this reform can be achieved.
The author provided a good flow of how social justice can be asserted amidst global trading system. It is good when he emphasized that institutional change would not be possible unless there is ideological change. This can be better if he presented ways on how can this change be realized. To challenge the system will require a lot of effort and perseverance.
The issues regarding the intellectual property rights open a wide horizon for research with regard to its context and further implication in the society. What was raised in the article was the way which the right to intellectual property can pave for monopoly. The author is implying that global trade is controlled not only by advanced nations, more so by few international business elites. This shows how politics can gravely affect international relations.
If a further study will be conducted regarding the advocacies of trade, it can contribute to the analysis on the social implication of global trade. Hence, allegations on free trade as a form of global exploitation for the benefit of the few can be further restructured.
In the case of these gigantic multinational corporations, in their game in the global trade, it was emphasized that they want to gain the highest profit with less cost. Yet they had too much of it when we refer to it financially (Pen. 1967). Is it really all about profit? Can the concept of gigantism be applied in the situation? This concept of gigantism refers to the goal of corporations to expand and earn global control and power. This concept does not consider profit as the main objective for expansion but expansion itself (Pen, 1967).
The article left inquiries which can be a good parting point for research. Some of these are: Does the advanced industrialized country really aim to advance global social welfare through the promotion of free trade or is it still part of their agenda to gain power over humanity? Does trade liberalism imply the existence of neo-imperialism? It was also suggested by the author that there must be changes in the mindset in order to create change in the society but how can be the biased mindset alter the system if it is rooted from the concept of liberalism? In addition, there is a need to define what is a just and efficient trading in relation to the community it affects.
Despite of the international promotion for free trade, issues such as social justice and equity cannot be ignored. As economics majors always say, there is always a tradeoff between efficiency and equity. But what is really the measurement for efficiency and what is for equity? How important is the society in terms of growth and development? These questions may seem to have an obvious answer long time before, yet until the present its application to society seems bleak.
Bibliography
Caves, R., & Jones, R. (1985). World Trade and Payments: An Introduction. Toronto: Little, Brown and Company.
Galbraith, J.K. (1975). Economics and the Public Purpose. United States of America: Houghton Mifflin Company.
Gomez, D., et. al. (2000). Reforming Social Policy: Changing Perspectives on Sustainable Human Development. Canada: International Development Research Centre.
Krugman, P. & Obstfeld, M. (2000). International Economics (5th edition). United States of America: Addison-Wesley Reading.
Mankiw, N.G. (2004). Principles of Economics (3rd edition). United States of America: Thomson Learning.
Nyilas, J. (1976). Integration in the World Economy East-West and Inter-State Relations. Hungary: Akademia Kiado.
Pen, J. (1967). A Primer on International Trade. New York: Random House.
Thompson, H. (1993). International Economics: A Microeconomic Approach. Toronto: Longman Publishing Group.
Todaro, M. (1997). Economic Development. United States of America: Addison-Wesley Reading.
2006-69621
على عولمة
Automatically translated into Arabic thanks to WorldLingo
[ستيلغليتز], [جوسف]. عدل اجتماعيّة وتجارة شاملة. مراجعات [فرسترن] اقتصاديّة: [رفيو] [بوبليشينغ] [كمبني] يحدّد. مارس - آذار 2006, حجم 169. رقم 2.
مراجعات على عدل اجتماعيّة وتجارة
شاملة "تجارة يستطيع جعلت كلّ شخص [بتّر-وفّ]". هذا الثاني مبدأ العلم اقتصاد أنّ يجسّد واستعمل بما أنّ النوبة بتجارة حرّ يدافع ([فتس]) أن يدفع المفهوم من تحررية تجاريّة. [فر مركت], تجارة حرّة, تحررية تجاريّة, وعولمة, هذا عبارات مرادفة يستعمل أن يشير تجارة مطلقة دوليّة. هو يثبّط حكومة تدخل في السوق ويروّج دولية بين أمم. هذا المعاصرة سوق نظامة يقدّم ب قليل من أمم مؤثّرة ل ال [رست وف ث وورلد]. الترقية من حالة نموّ وتطوير ل كلّ بلد الذي سيشبك في هو الشعار [فتس].
قدّم المادة المحاسن وحجج من شاملة تجاريّة وتضمناته إلى إنسانية. هو أيضا قدّم مفاهيم بخصوص عدل وأحضر عدالة [إين رلأيشن تو] تغيرات في الاقتصاد حوالي بتحررية تجاريّة. هو استنطق الغرض من إتفاقات وإتفاقات دوليّة بخصوص تمثيل مناسبة وإعتبار بخصوص [دسسون-مكينغ] تجاريّة. بالتّالي, دافع المؤلفة تغير تشريعيّة.
أساسيّا, يبحث المادة الإنتباه من مشرعات ومفاوضات [ألّوفر] العالم أن ينظر إلى الخلف على ال [مين رسن] لما هم يكونون في الموقعة [- ثت] أن يمثّل, خدمت, وروّجت خير بين الالناس, أكثر هكذا, في أمتهم شخصيّة. أحبّ المؤلفة أيضا أن يفيق الجمهور من ال [رفري] ال [ولّنسّ] أيّ تجارة حرّة يعد إلى كلّ أمة أيّ يشبك في هو. لذلك, يشجّع هو الالناس أن يكون مدركة, حرجة, وحذرة إلى سياسات أنّ يستطيع أثرت المجتمعة. ومع ذلك, القارئة ينبغي يتلقّى خلفيّة في ال [بسك برينسبل] العلم اقتصاد, حول المفهوم من تجارة حرّة, ويعتبر الالناس بما أنّ اجتماعيّة يكون أيّ [كمبريز] أمة ولذلك يستطيع كنت أثرت ب كلّ سياسة يطبّق.
قدّم المادة إصدارات أيّ يتضمّن التأييدات مختلفة [إكنوميك ليبرليسم]. هذا يتضمّن تحررية تجاريّة, إزالة قيد, والحماية ال [إينتلّكتثل بروبرتي]. تضمّنت [ا نومبر وف] حالات حيث تجارة تلقّى تأثير صدمة في الاقتصاد وشرط اجتماعيّة من أمة مؤكّدة كان أيضا. عيّنت نظريات وإعتقاد عاديّة بخصوص تجارة حرّة كان. رغم أنّ حقائق اجتماعيّة, مثل الفرق في التعريفة مستوى بين بلد كان قدّمت, ما من مادّيّة وأدمجت بيّنة دقيقة تجريبيّة كان في المادة. هو [أبن وب] كيف بعض تقدّم يصنع بلد يعطي جهد أن يظهر ورششت حالات أن يدفع لعولمة. المؤلفة, [جوسف] [ستيغليتز], أيضا يكرّر تأثيرات من حرّة تجارة إلى يطوّر ويطوّر أمم وكيف هذا أمم يتجاوبون نحو النظامة.
الناس وجه تبادلات ([منكيو], 2004). هذا يفسّر لما في شامل يتاجر بعض سيخسر وبعض). شاملة لن [ب] يتاجر يمكن دون مفاوضة تجاريّة وإتفاقات فيما بين سيكسبون ([كروغمن], [2000ش] أمة الذي سيشبك في هو. مؤخّرا, هذا قمة تجاريّة السبب أوّليّة للإستياء من أحزاب مختلفة يتضمّن. ادّعاءات أنّ يصبح أمم غنيّة غنيّة بينما أمم فقيرة يحقّرون ساندت بالحقيقة أنّ حتّى مع الإتفاق أنّ تعريفة يمهّد ينبغي كنت خفّضت إلى أسفل في مطابقة إلى المبدأ من تجارة حرّة; هناك فرض غير متساو من تعريفة مستويات ([نيلس], 1976). يطوّر بلد' تعريفة مستوى أربعة أوقات [هيغر] من ال [دفلوب نأيشن]. أجبرت [دفلوب كونتري] كان أيضا أن يزيل إعانات خلافا يطوّر بلد' يطبّق سياسات أن يساند إنتاج قطاعة أوّلا الزراعة. يزوّد بالمثال من مكسيك شرط تحت شماليّة أمريكا حرّة تجارة إتفاق ([نفتا]) حيث السوق كبيرة من العالم كان [أبن وب] ل هم, كان حالت نموّهم سريعة غير أنّ الأخرى طريق حدث. عولمة يأثر كلّ أمة بطريقة مختلفة. فقط بلد مع إرتفاع إلى يشبع [لفل وف مبلومنت] و[متثر كنومي] يستطيع استفدت من النظامة. أعطيت أنّ, [أت برسنت], يتاجر نظامة متحيّزة نحو يطوّر بلاد. هو كان أسّست خارجا أنّ أنّ سجّلت بلد أنّ لم يتتبّع عولمة سياسات كان مع السريعة حالة نموّ مستوى. كان مثل من هذا البلاد في [إست سا] ([ستيغليتز], 2006). عالجت المفاوضة بخصوص ال [إينتلّكتثل بروبرتي] حق كان أيضا. بما أنّ المؤلفة أكّد, تحت ال [فد] المبادئ من تحررية تجاريّة السياسة بسيطة [سلف ينترست]. يريد يطوّر بلد أن [أبن وب] الاقتصاد عالميّ أن بحرّيّة يتلقّى يوسع سوق لتصديرات ([ستيغليتز], 2006).
لذلك هناك حاجة أن يغيّر الحاليّة يتاجر نظامة سياسات. هناك دعوة أن يعكس إنحرافه [إين ففوور وف] ال [دفلوب نأيشن]. سوفت هناك يكون تغير في المقاربة حاليّة على مفاوضة تجاريّة يستطيع خفّفت كثير الحالة. تمثيلات مناسبة ل كلّ حزب يتضمّن يستطيع حسنت هديتهم موقعات, عواطف, وتوصيات [ويث رغردس تو] يتاجر اقتراحات ([ستيغليتز], 2006). مع مناسبة تمثيل وإستشارة, الجسم يستطيع تحت مع أكثر قرار مناسبة في ال [سستم وف ترد] يجسر بالمفهوم التطوير. عيّنت المشكلة التمثيل كان لأنّ سياسيات' قرارات كانوا مسكّنة [ويث رغردس تو] يتاجر. هم عادة أثرت ب [سبسل ينترست غرووب] من أيّ هم أيضا أتوا من ([نيلس], 1976). لذلك هناك حاجة أن يحسن النوعية, شفافية, وديموقراطيّة حقيقيّة في الحلبة محلّية سياسيّة. ومع ذلك, سيصدق إصلاحات إنشائيّة أبدا كنت ما لم هناك يكون تغير في المظهر إيديولوجيّة من الالناس يتضمّن. ما لم ال [ميندست] سيفكّر ل [سسل ولفر] وتطوير, سيكون كلّ قرار هم يتيحون فقط متحيّزة على خطّهم الفائدة. هناك دعوة أن يصلح العالم تجارة تنظيم, سياساته, ونظام تعديله. رغم أنّ هذا لن يضمن تغير كاملة [فور ث بنفيت وف] ال يحزن حزب غير أنّ هذا يستطيع كنت وزن أن يخلق ميزان بين أمم بخصوص تجارة.
[إين لين ويث] ال يعيّن فئات أعلاه, المادة وضعة تحدي أن يخلق تغير في النظامة. هناك يتحتّم دعوة للمجتمعة أن يحمي حقوقهم ضدّ أهداف انتهازيّة.
في عمليّة عقلنة اقتصاديّة, التفسير سبب مسيطرة أكثر ل يدفع تجارة حرّة سياسة. مثال من هذا المفهوم أنّ خلف القواعد وسياسات طبّق بالعالم تجارة تنظيم ([وتو]) وأخرى اتّفاقيّة تجاريّة ال [إيمبريليست]' جدول أن يكسب في النفقة تكليف من مجتمعات [ليتّل دفلوبد], يأخذ ميزة جروحيتهم [أس ولّ س] مورداتهم ([غلبريث], 1975). هذا [إإكسبوس] ينبغي كنت اعتبرت ب [بوليسي مكر]. هم يضطرّ كنت [سكبتيك] إلى كلّ إتفاق هم يشبكون داخل لأنّ في هم أيادي وضع الاشتراط من بلدهم. مثال يقدّم بالمؤلفة الاقتراح من تجارة حرّة محامية بلد أن يخفّض تعريفات على كلّ منتوجات إلى أسفل إلى صفر ([كفس] & جونس, 1985). هو ساخرة مع ذلك, لأنّ هذا يطوّر بلد يتمّون ما من هذا أشياء. هذا سياسة يستطيع للغاية أثرت [دفلوب كونتري] اقتصاد. متعدّية إلى الحركة أن يخفّض تعريفات أن يقطع [غفرنمنت سوبسدي] خصوصا إلى قطاعة زراعيّة لأنّ هذا سيغيّر ال [مركت-ست] سعرات وهذا يكون ضدّ القانون ال [فر مركت]. هذا آخر اقتراح ال [فتا] أيّ هم بنفسي تجاهلوا. يجعل إعانات إلى [فرمرس] إنتاج [هيغر] و [لوور] سعر السوق يمكن. لذلك ل هذا بلد, يعطي إنتاجية [هيغر], هو يتيح أن يصدق خصوصا لتعريفة [لوور]. [إين ثيس كس], يخسر بلد الذي أطاع السياسة ال [نو-تريفّ], [نو-سوبسدي] من تجارة ([غمز], [إت]. [أل.], 2000).
الوجود الفروق في تعريفات بين بلد على الرغم من إتفاقات دوليّة أن يمهّد هو أمكن كنت إصدار جيّدة أن يجد خارجا. مع هذا, المؤلفة عرض بسيطة من كيف [دفلوب كونتري]' [إإكسبورت مركت] كان منعت أن ينمو ب يصنع بلد' منتوجات خصوصا مع هم يساعد إنتاج قطاعة مثل زراعة يستطيع كنت حجة جيّدة لباحثات الذي يكون بعض في معروفة لتجارة حرّة وصعبة موضوع أن فنّد ل [فتس].
عرض [ستيغليتز] أيضا بعض شذوذ يورّط في سياسة صياغة و [دسسون-مكينغ] في المستوى دوليّة. عندما أشار هو أنّ مؤثّرة, يطوّر بلاد مثل الولايات المتّحدة الأمريكيّة, اليابان, كندا, والاتّحاد الأوروبي يأخذون المسؤولية أن يوصل فحوصات, دراسات, وأخرى أنشطة أن يبرهن الميزات يحضر حوالي بتجارة حرّة داخل إلى بلاد مختلفة ويتمّ حملة ضخمة دوليّة يدفع ل [برينسبل-بسد] تحررية تجاريّة خلافا السياسات هم يطبّقون في هم خاصّة بلاد, هو أبدى أنّ هذا بلاد يخفون تحت قناعهم خيّرة من يكون فقر [ألّفيتور] بينما بشكل اختلاسيّ يستفيد هذا [ليتّل دفلوبد] و [دفلوب كونتري] أن يكسب ربح, وقوة. يكون إقتصادية, سيأخذ هو [ا لوت] من شجاعة وحرجة يفكّر للمؤلفة أن ينحرف من الفكرة سائدة من تجارة حرّة ترقية. بالتّالي, سيروّج هذا مادة بعيد تحقيق وإنتقاد بخصوص التأثيرات من تحررية تجاريّة عبر بلد.
هناك [إكنوميك مودل] مختلفة, خصوصا [إين لين ويث] تطوير و [إينترنأيشنل كنوميكس] أيّ محاولات أن يفسّر العلاقة التجارة إلى حالة نموّ غير أنّ كلّ من أنّ أعطوا حالة أيّ أخرى أشياء كانوا يمسك ثابتة, لذلك يجعل النموذج أقلّ مناسبة في ال [رل ليف]. اقترحت دراسة بعيدة في هذا موضوع أن يساعد أوضحت إصدارات في المنطقة.
[بوليس-مكرس] ينبغي أيضا اعتبرت الوضع من بلادهم قبل يتزامن في مرسومة. تحررية تجاريّة, وفقا ل المؤلفة, يستطيع استفدت أمة [ويث رغردس تو] [كرّنت ستتثس] ه. [متثر كنومي] يستفيد أكثر بينما يطوّر اقتصاد يستطيع لا ينافس جيّدا, بالتّالي يصبح فقيرة. هذا يستطيع كنت جيّدة مغادرة نقطة لباحثات أن يجد العلاقة بين ال للفرد يقف من كلّ بلاد إلى التأثيرات العولمة إلى [إينكم ديستريبوأيشن]. في يعتبر الإنسانيّة تطوير فهرسة, بخصوص [بوليتيكل-كنومي] نموذج, سيكون الموضوع بخصوص تجارة وتطوير مجال واسعة لدراسة.
ب يقترح للحل أن يغيّر ال [ميندست] من الالناس حصل المؤلفة الجوابة محتملة متطرّفة أكثر. هذا ماذا المجتمعة ينبغي تحمّلت [إين وردر تو] فكّرت من الصندوق وحقّقت الأهمية من وطنيّة وحالة وعي اجتماعيّة. هذا توصية ل كلّ مواطنة أكثر خصوصا إلى [بوليس-مكرس].
هناك تصنيفات مختلفة لبلد. في هذا مراجعات سيصنّف بلد كنت بما أنّ يطوّر, يطوّر, و [لست-دفلوبد]. أسّست هذا تصنيفات على صفة مختلفة من بلد مثل [بر كبيتا ينكم] وإنسانيّة تطوير فهرسة. في النموذج أرثوذكسيّة, سيؤسّس حالة نموّ من بلد فقط كنت في الزيادة ال [بر كبيتا ينكم]. في هذا مراجعات, السياسيّة اقتصاد سيستعمل نموذج كنت أن يعيّن حالة نموّ في بلد, أيّ يكون مع ال [إينكم لفل]; سيؤسّس حالة نموّ أيضا كنت على إنسانيّة شرط ورضاء. سيكون الوضع من كلّ بلد الأساس على كيف هو كنت سيأثر بعولمة. يجعل بما أنّ يقال مبكّرة, تجارة حرّة بلد غنيّة جيّدة باتّجاه آخر في النفقة تكليف من أمم متخلّفة. هذا حساب يمكن كنت شاهدت في [برسبكتيفس] مختلفة من إستيراد وتصدير [أس ولّ س] في تأثيره في وظيفة وصناعة. اعتبرت بلد مع [فولّ مبلومنت] أو [كلوس تو] [فولّ مبلومنت] مستوى و[متثر كنومي] ك ال يطوّر بلد; بالمقابل ال يطوّر وبلد [لست-دفلوبد] ([غمز], [إت]. [أل.] 2000).
[كر-بريفري] عرفت نظرية ([كبت])
هذا نظرية أيضا ك ال [نيوكلونيل] حالة اعتماد نموذج أيّ جرى خارجا من المذهب ماركسيّة. هذا يبدي العلاقة من مركز/أكثر أمة قوّيّة إلى ه مستعمرات/أمم ضعيفة. يسيطر اللب قصدا أو دون وعي, يقمع, ويستنزف الموردات من البلد قوّيّة أقلّ. أحيانا إن اللب نية يكون أن يعين المستعمرة, ينهي هو فوق ينهب البلد إلى النقطة أنّ البلد استطاع [نو لونجر] وقفت دون المساندة من اللب. الذي يبقي هذا نوع العلاقة أنّ الناس الذي يكسب, يستمتع من هم دخل, اجتماعيّة وضع, وقوة سياسيّة من النظامة. فقط من خلال ثورة أو من خلال كبريات يركّب من الرأسمالية نظامة يستطيع حرّرت المستعمرات من اللبّ إضطهاد ([تودرو], 1997). ال [كبت] يستطيع كنت صحبت مباشرة إلى النظامة حاضرة موجودة بما أنّ يصوّر بالعلاقة من الشماليّة نصف كرة أمم, ك ال "لب", إلى في الأغلب [أفريكن] وبلد آسيويّ ك هم إمتداد سوق/مستعمرات/قمر صناعيّ/محيط بلد. باسم [فر مركت], يدفع هذا أمم قوّيّة لأسواق [تريفّ-فر] [أس ولّ س] [نو-تو] إعانة سياسة لذلك هم يستطيع يتلقّى سوق لمنتوجاتهم فائضة وكسبت كثير ربح. في اقتصاد [تريفّ-فر], ال "محيط" يستطيع بحرّيّة صدقت بعض من هم زراعيّة/[رو برودوكت] أيّ يكون المصدر رئيسيّة من [رو متريلس] رخيصة ل ال يصنع وصناعة اقتصاد من ال "لب" ([غلبريث], 1975). كيف ساخرة هو يمكن بدات غير أنّ ال "لا يتبع لب" في حقيقة السياسة أن عن تخلّى إعانة خصوصا إلى [فرمرس] ه ([ستيغليتز], 2006). لذلك اللب يستطيع أنتجت أكثر في سعر [شبر]. مع إنتاجية [هيغر], اللب يستطيع الآن صدقت منتوجات (منتوج فلاحيّ) أيّ يكون أساسيّة إلى [دفلوب كونتري]' [إإكسبورت مركت] مثل ذرة, أرز, [إتك.]. بما أنّ اللب يستطيع الآن صددت هذا بضائع, يتبع هو أنّ هم [نو لونجر] يحتاجون أن يستورد مثل هذا. سيكون هناك الآن صغيرة أو مريضة ما من سوق للمحيط. تركت بما أنّ الحكومة [نو لونجر] يساعد, رأي ال [ريس سكتور], تكلفة [هيغر] لإنتاج من هذا منتوج تكبّدت. الأكثر غالية محلّيّا ينتج أرز يستطيع [نو لونجر] نافست مع ال [شبر] يستورد أرز. سيثبّط هذا شرط [فرمرس] محلّية أن ينتج الجيّدة. هذا البداية من المحيط حالة اعتماد إلى اللب لأرز إنتاج. في الأخرى يد, في بحث لربح [هيغر], اللب يمكن اخترت إلى [أوتسورس] بعض من شركاته إلى المحيط بسبب عمل رخيصة ([ثومبسن], 1993). هذا الحالة من الحاضرة دعوة مركز شركات أو العمل يعالج مناولة ([ببو]). [أف كورس] هذا يستطيع زوّدت أشغال, أشغال تعاقديّة, بين القمر صناعيّ مواطنات. في أخرى إحساس, أجبرت هذا مواطنات كان أن ينحرف من [تيم سكهدول] هم معتادة أن يكيّف على الطبيعة من زبوناتهم. رغم أنّ هذا نوع الشغل يستطيع زوّدت [سورس وف ينكم] جيّدة للمواطنات, بخصوص الخير من الموظفات, هذا يستطيع كنت حقّرت. هذا يستطيع ضرّرت الصحة من العاملة, يزعج [تيم سكهدول] هم نظاميّة, يركد هم يعلم وتطبيق من هم لامتخرّجة درجة [أر فن] مهنتهم ([إين ث كس وف] بعض معلمات الذي أصبح دعوة مركز عاملة). هذا يستطيع أيضا أثرت أسرة علاقة. يعطي هذا مثال, هو يستطيع ساندت الفكرة أنّ تجارة حرّة يستطيع آذى [متثر كنومي] أقلّ. خلافا [كبت], الحاليّة عولمة يعلن خطة أو [أوتريغتلي] يستعمل ال "لب" قوة أن يجبر بلد تابعة أن يقبل وطبّقت تجارة حرّة سياسات من خلال مؤسسات مختلفة مثل المال دوليّة نقديّة (صندوق النقد الدوليّ), [وورلد بنك] ([وب]), [وتو], وأخرى إتفاقات ودورات أيّ يعالج تجارة دوليّة إصدارات.
ثورة [نيوكلسّيكل] مضادّة
هذا المذهب أنّ يجسر المفهوم من تحررية تجاريّة - النظامة معاصرة يروّج ب يطوّر بلد. يتلقّى هذا نظرية ثلاثة مقاربة: [فري-مركت], إختبار [بوبليك-], وال [مركت-فريندلي]. يدعم ال [فري-مركت] الفكرة أنّ سوق فحسب فعّالة لذلك ما من حكومة تدخل في السوق روّجت. Neoclassicists uphold their advocacies through obtaining control over the world’s major institutions such as the World Bank (WB), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and in the United Nation Development Program (UNDP). The above mentioned countries plus other influential countries – members of the Group of 8 (G8), greatly dominates the world trading system. They lead the formulation of international trade agreements as well as presenting rules and policies for referendum for countries. These trade agreements and the hocus-focus underlying in the pacts is the main issue of this article. According to Stiglitz trade agreements are dominated, manipulated and biased to the interest of developed countries, worst, for few interest groups alone.
Specific Factors Model (SFM)
This model presents how differences in countries’ resources can cause international trade. Income distribution is strongly affected by international trade as shown by this model. Thus this model can help explain why countries need to negotiate and that is because no single territory contains all the resources needed for diversified production. SFM suggest that factors specific to exports gain from trade while import-competing sectors lose (Krugman, 2000). On the other hand, labor sector may either gain or lose. This model can visibly position the context in the article. Since, most economist believe that trade can benefit more than without it, conceptually, those who benefit can compensate those who lose. But this is not the real case. That is the reason behind the discontent of the losers. Social inequality arise when some people or country gain in the expense of others up to the point of exploitation and deception.
Under trade liberalism, gains from trade can only be achieved by developed nation or those countries with mature economy (Thompson, 1993). The definition of what a mature economy can be based on Rostow’s stages of economic growth. On one hand, when a country is developing it can be classified under the second stage which is the precondition for take-off. It is where improvement in transportation, agriculture, and expansion of imports occur. Thus, the economy is not yet ripe. On the other hand, when the economy is mature it can be considered under the last stage of the model which is the age of mass consumption where the society can choose to become a welfare state or an international military power. It is characterized by a strong, competitive economy, usually under full employment level (Todaro, 1997). In this situation, an economy with full employment level will not be much affected by trade liberalization. The laborers in sector which is affected by strong importation can easily find job and transfer to other sectors which gain more in trade. Unlike in developing nations, laborers which are affected by trade are threatened to lose their job, thus adding to the unemployment rate in the country (Krugman, 2000). High unemployment rate means higher poverty index.
Global trade can cause an unbalanced growth in the economy of the country which engages in it. When a country will specialize in a field where it has a comparative advantage for trade, it would likely lead to a focused development in that specific area which can leave behind other uncompetitive sectors (Krugman, 2000).
The author’s suggestion to reform the mindset of the people as an important part to change the system is supported by Simon Kuznetz’s six features of modern economic growth. In the part of the developing country, they have to change the way they decide towards a policy to, this time, consider it and improve it to be biased on the developing country. If advanced countries really have the will to help the developing country to pursue for development and industrialization, there must be a sacrifice on their part.
The article is short yet it opened up a number of issues and a wide field for discussion. The author has a broad overview regarding the concept of free trade. He critically applied the principles of equitable and efficient global resource allocation among societies. This means that being an economist, he does not only conform to the conventional belief of economics that liberalized trade can benefit more to people. He does not consider efficiency only for capital and land owners but to everyone who is and can be affected by policies implemented. Economics, being a discipline under social science, must consider the welfare of the society (Gomez, et. al., 2000). And that consideration is prioritized by the author in the article. He also embarked upon the different subdivision of the subject. He regarded the international interaction of countries as well as the governing politics in each negotiation. He included his observation on how decisions were made and he discussed about the discrepancies in the institution which facilitates the global interaction of trade.
The article presented issues from a general perspective of development inequality brought about by trade liberalization down to the politics involved in intellectual property rights discussion. The flow of the article leads the reader to see trade liberalism as a deep issue which is not only limited to import and export exchange among countries.
The author was audacious to present ideas usually considered as an open secret- an obvious fact but is constantly denied or kept unnoticed. He identified reasons how and why trade liberalism creates inequality to nations. When the author said that there is something wrong with the world trading system he subsequently offered facts and theories to prove his stand. It is quite good that he gave pragmatic examples but he fall short to show precise data to further defend his allegations and arguments. For instance, he said that trade negotiations left poor countries worse off when they were forced to cut subsidies and bring down tariff level by the advanced industrialized countries. It would be better if he showed an excerpt from the round of trade negotiation which defined the policy and the agreement among the countries. Better if he showed cardinal values which will illustrate the level of tariff in each country. It will help the reader formulate and reason out why or what are other reasons behind the unequal imposition of tariff levels.
There was a shortcoming in the part of the author to give a clear and concise definition of the terms used such as free trade. The author failed to give theories and arguments which define the concept of free trade. It would be better if he presented first the concept of free trade – its pros and cons before bombarding his arguments. If the reader can clearly grasp the author’s perception of free trade it would then be smooth to judge the point of view presented.
There have been no characterizations of what the picture of a developed or a developing country is. Given that the author mentioned that globalization affect each countries based on their nature, he refused to associate the nature of a country on how it can decide to a policy. Yes he mentioned about the abuse of power but not on how these power are asserted to control the votes of each representative systematically; that is aside from his given point of political and self interests.
The kind of development paradigm as the basis for growth measurement was not clearly identified. It is important to be defined especially when talking about growth or failure as a result of globalization. Failure to do so can cause doubt on the conclusion of the article.
It was good when the author suggested the need to change the mindset of negotiators in the way that trading decisions are made as well as encourage each country to promote efficiency, fairness, and development but he should have reflected twice. As Adam Smith recognized the concept of self-interest or utility, it is inevitable to consider that each country will view fairness, efficiency, and development in their own perspective (Pen, 1967). Thus, the change in mindset will follow after the change in system because the way of thinking is developed by the system. Thus the author must suggest alternatives on how the ideology towards global equity will be developed.
The article appeared to be comprehensive for economics majors but no so for other social science apprentice whose background in trade liberalism is a nuance.
According to Newton, in every action there is a reaction. That is the reason why controversies and issues pop out. It is certain that different social science disciplines are interdependent in terms of decision making. In the article, the author pointed out the need to reform institutionally and ideologically based on the concept of democracy and transparency. Nevertheless, he lacked in clarifying how can the change be possible, where to begin, and failed to paint a concise picture on how this reform can be achieved.
The author provided a good flow of how social justice can be asserted amidst global trading system. It is good when he emphasized that institutional change would not be possible unless there is ideological change. This can be better if he presented ways on how can this change be realized. To challenge the system will require a lot of effort and perseverance.
The issues regarding the intellectual property rights open a wide horizon for research with regard to its context and further implication in the society. What was raised in the article was the way which the right to intellectual property can pave for monopoly. The author is implying that global trade is controlled not only by advanced nations, more so by few international business elites. This shows how politics can gravely affect international relations.
If a further study will be conducted regarding the advocacies of trade, it can contribute to the analysis on the social implication of global trade. Hence, allegations on free trade as a form of global exploitation for the benefit of the few can be further restructured.
In the case of these gigantic multinational corporations, in their game in the global trade, it was emphasized that they want to gain the highest profit with less cost. Yet they had too much of it when we refer to it financially (Pen. 1967). Is it really all about profit? Can the concept of gigantism be applied in the situation? This concept of gigantism refers to the goal of corporations to expand and earn global control and power. This concept does not consider profit as the main objective for expansion but expansion itself (Pen, 1967).
The article left inquiries which can be a good parting point for research. Some of these are: Does the advanced industrialized country really aim to advance global social welfare through the promotion of free trade or is it still part of their agenda to gain power over humanity? Does trade liberalism imply the existence of neo-imperialism? It was also suggested by the author that there must be changes in the mindset in order to create change in the society but how can be the biased mindset alter the system if it is rooted from the concept of liberalism? In addition, there is a need to define what is a just and efficient trading in relation to the community it affects.
Despite of the international promotion for free trade, issues such as social justice and equity cannot be ignored. As economics majors always say, there is always a tradeoff between efficiency and equity. But what is really the measurement for efficiency and what is for equity? How important is the society in terms of growth and development? These questions may seem to have an obvious answer long time before, yet until the present its application to society seems bleak.
Bibliography
Caves, R., & Jones, R. (1985). World Trade and Payments: An Introduction. Toronto: Little, Brown and Company.
Galbraith, J.K. (1975). Economics and the Public Purpose. United States of America: Houghton Mifflin Company.
Gomez, D., et. al. (2000). Reforming Social Policy: Changing Perspectives on Sustainable Human Development. Canada: International Development Research Centre.
Krugman, P. & Obstfeld, M. (2000). International Economics (5th edition). United States of America: Addison-Wesley Reading.
Mankiw, N.G. (2004). Principles of Economics (3rd edition). United States of America: Thomson Learning.
Nyilas, J. (1976). Integration in the World Economy East-West and Inter-State Relations. Hungary: Akademia Kiado.
Pen, J. (1967). A Primer on International Trade. New York: Random House.
Thompson, H. (1993). International Economics: A Microeconomic Approach. Toronto: Longman Publishing Group.
Todaro, M. (1997). Economic Development. United States of America: Addison-Wesley Reading.
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| August 15, 2009 | 1:16 AM |
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